Nigeria
Presidency has murdered justice, equity, fairness — Gov Ortom
Published
5 years agoon
Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue state, in this no-holds-barred interview, accused the presidency of having murdered justice, fairness and equity in Nigeria thereby creating room for separatist agitations. He also spoke on defections in the PDP, the sponsored media attacks against him, his support for the south to produce the next president in 2023 and power shift in Benue state. Excerpts:
Some critics have accused your government of not achieving anything since you came on board in 2015. How will you respond to that?
In politics, you will always expect attack from your opponents. Even when there’s nothing to say, they will find a way to portray you as a bad person in order to generate discussion and try to castigate you and make you feel bad before the people.
But I’ve always said I’ll not be distracted. I had the mandate in 2015, I had another one in 2019; my commitment is the renewed effort to ensure the dividend of democracy to the people. My stand against the injustice, unfairness and inequity that is going on by the federal government of Nigeria, headed by the presidency has orchestrated the renewed attack on me.
They feel that they will send a narrative that will impact negatively on me, but I think that our people are wiser, more than they think. And I’m more committed, even with the attacks, to ensuring that we have justice. Without justice, there can be no peace in the land. And I’m more prepared, just like Martin Luther said; “if I keep quiet in the face of injustice, then I am worse than the people who perpetrate the injustice.”
I am not prepared to be part of that, my people require justice. I’m appealing and begging the presidency and those people who are not happy with the kinds of things I say to ensure that they give justice to my people. If they feel offended, I’m more offended than them and I will not be distracted by what they say.
That alone will not make me to be silent. I will continue to say it as long as God gives me the strength and the spirit to continue in this life. I will continue to say that this presidency has murdered justice, murdered equity and murdered fairness in this country. And that’s why you see various agitations.
I don’t support what Kanu is doing, I don’t support what Igboho is doing, I don’t support it because I believe in the unity of our country Nigeria. It is the presidency that is promoting this unwanted agitation for the separation of this country. So the president should come out and give justice because he cannot deny that he is the president of this country.
He is the leader of this country, he has the mandate of our people to govern at this time so everything rests on him. If the head is not right, nothing will be right. So I am saying that Buhari should rise up; it’s not enough to raise your ministers, raise those who are working with you, raise those you have appointed to take crumbs from the table of the presidency and then insult patriotic people who want justice, equity and fairness for their people.
If I don’t speak, who will speak? I was elected popularly by the people of Benue State in 2015 and in 2019. So if I can’t speak who will speak for Benue people? So I stand committed even to the extent of those who are oppressed in other parts of the country that people cannot speak on their behalf; I speak for those oppressed people in this country.
What is happening in Nigeria is not right, things are not going well, the President must arise. It should not be enough to raise people to insult me and to say things that are not warranted. If I did not perform in 2015, my people wouldn’t have elected me in 2019. If I did not perform in 2019 till date, my people wouldn’t have continuously passed vote of confidence on me.
Those people who are in Abuja and are paid and are eating crumbs with appointees of government, let them come to Benue state and issue press statements, let me see the reaction of the people in Benue state. For me, I’m committed in delivering dividends of democracy.
There are quite a number of projects to be commissioned and I am going to do that. I’ve commissioned some before and I’m still going to do it. And I think I will ask Mr President to come and commission some of my projects.
I will also invite the Minister of Special Duties and Inter-governmental Affairs to come to Benue state and commission some of our projects so that they will appreciate and not continue to sponsor people to rant against me and my government.
There are growing concerns that your party, the PDP has become polarized and that is the reason some governors are leaving the party. There are also rumours of plans to remove the national chairman of the party, Uche Secondus, how true is this?
You know politics, as defined by one of the greatest philosophers in our time, is a game of interest, no permanent enemy, no permanent friend. People are free to defect to any political party for whatever reason that they find expedient.
I was in PDP when things did not go down well with me I defected to APC and I won the election in 2015 and several other people were carried on my back as a result of my defection to APC and they won.
In 2017, when things did not go well and I was defending my people and some people felt that I should not defend my own people, I defected back to PDP and also won election. So I have no issue with those defecting here and there.
But the only challenge is that, let those people come clean because you heard the former National Chairman of APC saying that when you defect to APC you will become a saint, even if you are a devil. And so people who have mismanaged themselves and mismanaged public property are afraid. And that’s the instrument that the federal government is using on our people.
They came to me and I said no, I have no skeleton. Let them bring it out. If you don’t do well I will take you to court and we dig it out there. You have also heard about a current minister serving today who has embezzled a lot of money and bought an estate for $37million and $20million was recovered from her house.
And up till today we have been calling on the presidency to expose that Minister and let there be justice. But have you heard anything from the presidency? And even the EFCC, I want to challenge the EFCC Chairman, he is a young man, he should stand on his integrity and what he told us when he was confirmed.
Let there be justice, equity and fairness. He should unearth that Minister; it is not enough to say a serving Minister. Let him come out to tell us who that Minister is and how far he is going about the investigation.
We have heard about several former Governors who were being prosecuted by the EFCC but today because they are in the APC everything is silent. What kind of justice are you talking about in this country? What kind of integrity is the presidency talking about?
The presidency should come out and tell us if its hands are clean. He that comes to equity must come with clean hands. Where are Mr. President’s clean hands in this matter that we are talking about? How can you be accommodating people who are perceived to have criminal tendencies in your government and you tell me that nothing is happening?
It is not fair. This is not the Nigeria we bargained for. This is not what Mr. President stood for in 2015 that prompted Nigerians to vote for him. Somebody stole a chicken, he is arrested by the EFCC and jailed but somebody stole billions and because he is in the APC you allow him. Posterity will not forgive Mr. President if he continues in this manner.
The name Samuel Ortom has become a household name because you do not hesitate to speak out on issues that affect the generality of Nigerians. At the end of your tenure in 2023 what do we expect from Governor Ortom?
After 2023, I am prepared to go back to my farm. Thank God I’m one of the biggest farmers we have here in Benue and indeed the North Central zone. I have been doing that since the year 2000, I am grateful to God and if nothing happens I will go back to my farm.
But God has not spoken about the future. I said it long ago that God spoke to me in 1992 that I would be Governor and in 2012, about 20 years after, God said that it would be 2015. And by the grace of God with all the challenges I became Governor.
And in 2017 when things became difficult for me I opted not to contest for second term, and decided I was going back to my farm. But that night, God told me ‘I’m not done with you, you have not committed any offense I will still be with you and give you victory.’ And by the grace of God, we all saw it and how it went.
There was federal might, inconclusive elections but all those were not able to stop me and by the grace of God I am Governor today. I have faith in God. I’m a born again Christian, I trust in God. I will do what God directs me to do.
My desire as a human being is to go back to my farm but if for any reason God directs me to do something else, I’ll be ready and I can assure you, just like I said in 2015 and also said in 2019, if I tell you tomorrow that this is what God has ordained for me to do, which he will tell me, I want to assure you that it will be done.
In your first term you did set up a committee on privatization, that committee did a good job concluding with a piece of advice that your government privatize and commercialize its businesses. You did not do that because people kicked against it, but till date those government businesses have remained moribund….
(Cuts in) Thank you very much. I demonstrated in 2018 that I am a true democrat. If you are representing the people, and there is an agitation and a call for certain things, you respect them.
When I saw that globally the private sector is responsible for driving the economies of various nations, it was no longer about government, we wanted to do the needful in Benue state. Government can only provide the best policies, regulation and monitoring. But driving the economy is purely the responsibility of the private sector.
Go to China, Europe, America and indeed other continents of the world, it is the private sector that is driving the various economies and not government. So you can see what is happening even in Nigeria. Government has privatized more that 80 percent of its commercial enterprises.
So why should we do a different thing in Benue state? We needed to do that (privatize). But when the agitation and blackmail became too much I decided to withdraw. Especially when the Tiv Traditional Council rose in support of those who were agitating against privatization. I then decided to jettison it.
But more than four years now, nothing has taken place or changed. That was why when the tenure of the former council for privatization expired, I decided to reconstitute it; and now I don’t think anybody will stop me, no matter what it is. I am not going to stop it because privatizing and commercializing will help rejuvenate the existing industries that we have.
Today the plastic industry is working in Benue state, the fertilizer blending plant is working and they are providing a lot of employment opportunities for our people. If tomorrow Taraku oil mills, Otukpo Burnt bricks, the roof tiles company, the Agricultural Development Company and several other government enterprises are commercialized and privatized, they will definitely be recruiting more of our people.
So I am not going to be intimidated by anybody. In fact I’m even ready to give out those enterprises for free to capable hands as long as they meet the requirements of law and the rules set by the privatization council.
Because what is important is how we can get our children employed in these enterprises. So it doesn’t matter whatever the opposition, or whatever those who hate me will say about it, but by the grace of God I am not going to relent.
Why have you decided to back the southern governors on the rotational presidency?
Why are you asking me that when you know that I stand for equity, fairness and justice? In Nigeria today we know that we are north and south, isn’t it?
So, if the north has got eight years as president, for the sake of justice, equity and fairness, the south should also have it. Whosoever comes from the south is not my business.
Once the people accept him, I’m ready to support that person. And I stand on that based on my stance on equity, fairness and justice.
Will you support an Igbo presidency if it goes to the south?
Why not! I have several people that are in my own calculation in Igbo land that can be president of this country and can rule well. However, I cannot decide for the southerners because I am not a southerner.
For now, I’m a northerner. We are in a democracy. Whatever the people decide to do in the south is what I will support. All I’m saying is that let there be a southern president. The north has got presidency for eight years and what have we got? Injustice, unfairness and inequity in our land. No security, the economy is in shambles.
As I talk to you now, the federal government has borrowed over N27 trillion and we don’t know what they have done with it. People are just pocketing the money for their own interest. That is the point. So let us try another zone.
That is the point I am making. And look, I did not just support the southern governors on rotational presidency alone. I support their resolution to ensure a deadline for the enactment of prohibition of open grazing law in the southern states.
Thirdly, I support that all the tricks they are making so that they will rig in 2023 must be checked. I support that there should be electronic transmission of results so that there will be no rigging. In Benue State here, anybody who is coming here to rig, I’m telling you, you will not go back to your house o.
Before you leave your house to go and rig in election, pray for your family that God should keep them very well because here we are fully mobilized to ensure that the right thing is done. We are fully prepared for the 2023 elections and whatever intimidation that people bring. We believe that by the grace of God, the God of righteousness will help us to achieve the desired result.
As a man of justice, the people of Benue South Senatorial district have been clamouring to succeed you as governor in 2023. What is your position on that?
Well, let me tell you, I’m a man of justice and I always say that anytime I attempt to deviate, please, remind me. You (media) are between me and the people. So, you have the opportunity to remind me when I’m going wrong.
2023 is open to what the people want. There are several definitions about democracy. One, it is said that democracy is a game of numbers. But for me if you ask me, I have not seen this in the course of my study but I can tell you that democracy means the decision of the majority of the people. So, people come to me from Zone C, and Zone A, of the state, meanwhile nobody has come from Zone B that he wants to be governor.
It’s from Zone C and Zone A and I’ve always said please, go and dialogue with your people. It is not impossible for Zone C to become governor but they have to discuss with their brothers. At the end, I am going to ask especially in my own political party, the PDP.
I will request that let there be a dialogue because there are people in Zone C in my party that want to be governor. There are also people in my party in Zone A that want to be governor too. So, I will put them together, let them discuss.
If they agree that Zone C should produce a candidate, fine. If not, if they say it should be Zone A, I will consent to that. But if not, we are going to follow the rules of the game which is primaries. And by the grace of God, as leader of my party in Benue State, I will ensure equity, fairness and justice for all the contestants.
And at the end, whosoever emerges as a candidate, Samuel Ortom will support that person.
Culled from the Vanguard News Nigeria
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Books
A Chronicle of Community: Tracing the Roots of Amaiyi Igbere
Published
1 week agoon
July 13, 2026
- Book Title: Amaiyi Igbere: A Historical Look Back on Life, People, and Places That Shaped the Community
- Author: By Emmanuel O. Ukandu, P.E.
- Publishers: Intekspress Publishers
- Reviewer: Emeaba O. Emeaba
- Pages: 285
There is a particular kind of historical work that does not begin in an archive but around family compounds, market squares, church yards, streams, and evening conversations. Amaiyi Igbere: A Historical Look Back on Life, People, and Places That Shaped the Community by Emmanuel O. Ukandu belongs to that tradition. It is not merely a local history. It is an act of cultural preservation, an ambitious effort to rescue an entire way of life from the erosion of memory. The book announces that purpose immediately, presenting itself as a historical record of “life, people, and places that shaped the community.”

Ukandu understands something many professional historians sometimes overlook: the disappearance of everyday knowledge is often more permanent than the loss of famous events. Kings, wars, and politicians usually find chroniclers. The names of neighbors, customs surrounding childbirth, wrestling ceremonies, market routines, childhood games, and village footpaths frequently vanish within two generations. His response is encyclopedic. Across eighteen chapters, the author documents everything from family genealogies and village compounds to agricultural practices, religious life, education, folklore, the Nigerian–Biafran War, and changing social values.
Rather than pretending to produce an objective, omniscient history, Ukandu openly defines the book as a “personal history.” He carefully explains the limits of eyewitness testimony while arguing that memory itself deserves preservation. In one of the book’s strongest passages, he writes that:
“What may appear to be a small fragment of history today… may spare them the considerable effort and resources that would otherwise be required to search for traces of what transpired.”
That sentence serves as the philosophical foundation for everything that follows. The author is less interested in constructing grand historical theories than in ensuring that ordinary facts survive.
One of the book’s greatest achievements is its treatment of genealogy. Hundreds of names appear throughout the narrative—not as dry census entries but as participants in a living community. Families are connected across compounds, marriages, occupations, churches, schools, and public service. Future descendants searching for ancestors decades from now may find this volume invaluable. The author’s hope that young readers will build their own family trees transforms the book from history into an invitation for continuing scholarship.
The strongest chapters are those describing daily life before modernization transformed southeastern Nigeria. The discussions of rites of passage, farming seasons, fishing traditions, folklore evenings, marriage customs, health practices, markets, and village maintenance recreate a society whose rhythms depended upon community rather than institutions. The cumulative effect resembles an ethnography written by someone who lived the culture rather than observing it from the outside.
Ukandu also demonstrates how education shaped modern Amaiyi. His accounts of scholarship programs, pioneering teachers, and community leaders reveal how one generation deliberately invested in the next. Particularly memorable is his reflection that:
“Good seeds planted in children at an early age may produce results that last for a very long time.”
That observation quietly becomes one of the book’s central themes. Throughout the narrative, the community advances not through dramatic revolutions but through teachers, mentors, churches, scholarship funds, and families determined to educate their children.
The prose possesses an unusual sincerity. Ukandu rarely writes as though he is attempting a literary flourish. Instead, his voice reflects someone determined not to forget. That straightforwardness gives emotional weight to passages describing migration, the Nigeria–Biafra War, and the gradual disappearance of customs that once organized everyday existence.
Perhaps the book’s most affecting declaration appears near the beginning:
“The material presented in this book constitutes ‘a time window’ on a particular period in the life of the people of Amaiyi Igbere.”
The metaphor is exactly right. Readers are not simply learning dates; they are looking through a window into a vanished social world.
What does the book do less well?
Its greatest strength is also its principal weakness.
The book frequently favors completeness over narrative momentum. Long catalogues of names, family relationships, and community figures provide extraordinary documentary value, but they occasionally interrupt the flow for readers unfamiliar with Amaiyi. A more selective organization—or the addition of supplementary family charts, maps, timelines, and genealogical diagrams—would have made the wealth of information easier to absorb.
Editorially, the work could also benefit from tighter compression. Many anecdotes repeat similar themes, particularly regarding exemplary community leaders and educational pioneers. A more robust synthesis would strengthen the narrative without sacrificing historical content.
There are moments when personal admiration for certain individuals overtakes critical historical distance. Since the author explicitly identifies the volume as a personal history grounded in lived memory, this is understandable. Still, readers seeking extensive engagement with conflicting interpretations, documentary evidence beyond recollection, or broader regional historiography may occasionally wish for more comparative analysis.
Yet these criticisms ultimately reflect the book’s chosen mission rather than its failure. Ukandu is not writing a conventional scholarly monograph. He is preserving communal memory before it disappears.
The result is an important contribution to local African historiography and a reminder that history survives not only in national archives but also in villages whose stories are too often left unwritten. If every community possessed a chronicler as determined as Emmanuel Ukandu, historians of the next century would inherit a far richer record of Africa’s social past.
Amaiyi Igbere demonstrates that preserving memory is itself an act of public service. It stands as both a historical record and a gift to future generations seeking to understand not merely where they came from, but how ordinary people built a community whose legacy deserved to be written before it was forgotten.
This book is available on Amazon (Click on Image).

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♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.
- Book Title: FOOD FOR THOUGHT: Nourishing the Soul, One Bite at a Time
- Author: Professor Rev. Dr. Darlington Iheonu I. Ndubuike
- Publishers: WestBow Press.
- Reviewer: Dr Emeaba O. Emeaba
- Pages: 220
In Food for Thought, Darlington Ndubuike transforms the produce aisle into a pulpit, finding in seventy fruits and vegetables a complete theology of the examined life; its trials, its silences, and its unexpected harvests.
Consider, for a moment, the humble prune. Dismissed by most as a geriatric remedy, shriveled and graceless beside its more glamorous neighbors in the produce section, it is not the obvious vehicle for theological meditation. Yet it is precisely here, at the unglamorous end of the fruit bowl, that Professor Rev. Dr. Darlington Iheonu I. Ndubuike begins his ambitious, idiosyncratic, and occasionally arresting book of devotional reflections. “Before it becomes a prune,” he writes, “the plum undergoes a transformation; it is dried, its moisture removed, and its form altered. Though the process may seem like a loss, the prune becomes more concentrated, sweeter, and longer-lasting than the original fruit.” The pruning of the plum becomes, in Ndubuike’s telling, the pruning of the soul; God as Master Gardener, cutting away what comforts in order to cultivate what endures.
This is the central conceit of Food for Thought, and it is one the author pursues with a kind of joyful relentlessness across seventy chapters, each devoted to a different fruit, vegetable, or herb. From peach to peas, from chard to walnut, from kiwi to kale, each item in Ndubuike’s spiritual pantry yields a devotional lesson, a biblical parallel, and an acronymic framework for right living. The book belongs to a long lineage of nature-as-sermon writing; from the medieval Physiologus, which found moral instruction in the habits of real and fantastical animals, to the pastoral homiletics of the American evangelical tradition. But Ndubuike brings to the genre something distinctly his own: an exuberant fondness for wordplay, an autobiographical candor that occasionally startles, and a devotional warmth that persists even when the metaphors strain their seams.
The book’s organizing principle is phonetic rather than botanical. Ndubuike pairs each food with a homophonic or near-homophonic English word or phrase: the peach becomes a meditation on the “pitch,” or the power of words; the kiwi prompts a reflection on “Can we?”—a question of communal possibility and spiritual unity; the walnut, with a brisk semantic pivot, becomes “Worry Not.” The raisin asks us to search for “reason” in the dry seasons of life; the lettuce implores us to “Let Us” choose reconciliation; the cantaloupe reminds us that we “Can’t Elope” from our responsibilities. Some of these puns land with the satisfying click of genuine insight. Others; the beet becoming “beats,” the corn becoming “con;” are more strained, their theological freight arriving at the station considerably ahead of any logical locomotive to carry it. Ndubuike is clearly aware that he is operating in the territory of the playful homily rather than the systematic treatise, and he generally deploys his puns with enough good humor to disarm objection.
What distinguishes Food for Thought from its devotional shelf-mates is the quality of Ndubuike’s autobiographical interjections. In a chapter ostensibly about chard—”charred,” in his reading, as a metaphor for transformation through trial—he pivots without warning into a searing personal memoir: his years as an international student in Houston, the hurricane that destroyed his workplace, the repossessed car, the miles walked before dawn from Stella Link Road to West Belfort, folding newspapers in the back of a pickup truck, shoulder still aching decades later. These passages are written with a plainness and precision that distinguish them sharply from the book’s more ornate homiletical moments. They arrest the reader because they are specific in a way that allegory rarely is; because they insist that the fire he describes is not only figurative. “I had a return ticket,” he writes. “I could have gone home. But I stayed. That was over forty years ago. What felt like the end was actually the beginning.” The chard chapter, in other words, becomes something more than a meditation on resilience; it becomes testimony.
The book’s theological framework is unambiguously evangelical and Protestant, rooted in the conviction that Scripture is the primary lens through which the natural world—and human experience—ought to be interpreted. Ndubuike cites Proverbs, the Psalms, the Pauline epistles, and the Gospels with the ease of long familiarity. His approach to biblical narrative is typological and hortatory: Joseph, Esther, Naomi, Gideon, Abraham, and Ruth appear as recurring figures, their stories pressed into service as analogues for contemporary spiritual dilemmas. This is a deeply traditional mode of Christian preaching, and readers already within that tradition will find the interpretive moves intuitive, even comforting. Those approaching from other perspectives—secular, interfaith, or from within Christianity’s more historically minded wings—may find the hermeneutic at once earnest and occasionally reductive. Ndubuike is not much interested in the ambiguities of biblical narrative, in the gaps and silences that have occupied critical scholarship for a century and a half. He reads for moral and spiritual direction, and he finds it consistently wherever he looks.
Structurally, the book follows a disciplined if somewhat formulaic pattern. Nearly every chapter concludes with an acronym that spells out the chapter’s food—the pecan yields PECAN (Positioned in Christ, Empowered by the Spirit, Called with Purpose, Anchored in Faith, Nourished by Grace); the peach yields PITCH (Pause Before You Speak, Intend to Build, Tell the Truth in Love, Choose Words Carefully, Honor God and Others). These frameworks are designed, one senses, for pedagogical application; for church small groups, Sunday school classes, sermons, and workshops. As pastoral tools, they are admirably efficient. As literary devices, they occasionally impose a tidiness on complexity that the preceding meditation has not quite earned. Life, as Ndubuike himself demonstrates when he is writing from memory rather than from schema, is rarely as categorical as an acronym.
The book’s range is its most impressive quality. In the space of a single volume, Ndubuike moves from modesty and bodily dignity (the citrus chapter’s meditation on “see-throughs” and discretion) to individuality and self-expression (the garlic chapter’s spirited defense of the “Gar-ilk,” those uncommon souls who carry bold presence without apology), from the communal ethics of the kiwi to the eschatological patience of wheat. The chapter on basil is perhaps the most quietly searching in the collection: Ndubuike warns against what he calls “basil living”—a life of safe, flavorless adequacy, the spiritual equivalent of the default herb—and invokes Esau’s sale of his birthright as its scriptural type. The Israelites in the wilderness, longing for the cucumbers and garlic of Egypt even after their miraculous deliverance, are pressed into service here as cautionary archetypes of comfort-seeking and diminished vision.
The final chapter, devoted to peas—peace—arrives with the warmth of a well-prepared meal’s last course. Peas, Ndubuike observes, “grow together in a pod, side by side, close-knit, and in harmony. They don’t compete for space; they share it.” It is a fittingly communal image with which to close a book that is, at its best, an invitation to a shared table; to the practice of attending carefully to the ordinary, of finding in the quotidian not distraction but direction.
Food for Thought is not a book without faults. It is uneven in texture, moving between passages of genuine spiritual depth and others that settle for the pleasant cliché. The acronymic scaffolding, useful as a preaching tool, can feel mechanical when encountered seventy times. And there are moments when the phonetic conceits require a suspension of credulity that the theological argument is not quite strong enough to support. But Ndubuike writes from a place of authentic vocation; he tells his readers, only half in jest, that he cannot cook, and that the Holy Spirit is the true chef of this volume, and that sincerity has a flavor of its own.
For readers willing to receive it on its own terms; as an extended pastoral exercise in finding sacred meaning in the ordinary world, written by a man who has walked miles in the dark and emerged with his faith intact; Food for Thought offers something genuinely nourishing. Ndubuike’s grandfather’s voice can be heard throughout: in the dedication to his grandson Lennox, he sets the book as “a table I’ve set with care, each page a dish seasoned with reflection, truth, and love.” That is, in the end, exactly what it is.
This book is available on Amazon (Click on Image).
_________
♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.
Column
From Noise to Votes: Nigerian Youth Must Turn Online Fire into Electoral Power
Published
2 months agoon
June 1, 2026
Young Nigerians have shown a remarkable ability to create waves in the digital space. With a single click, they can expose a politician’s corruption, rally tens of thousands of supporters behind a single hashtag, and keep every political actor on edge from dawn until dusk. However, as the 2027 general elections draw closer, it is time to face an uncomfortable truth: loud online noise isn’t the same as real power in the political sphere. If Nigerian youth wish to get the best possible leadership from their nation’s leaders, they need to take their online activity offline (i.e., to places where actual democracy occurs) and start showing up to cast votes.

There is simply too much evidence to ignore that this needs to occur. Nigeria is a young country demographically. Together, Gen Z and Millennials comprise approximately half of the total population—50.1 percent—according to IntelPoint. Gen Z makes up 25.8 percent and Millennials account for 24.3 percent. When we consider Gen Alpha, the percentage rises to 85.7% of the population under 44. According to ActionAid Nigeria, more than 60% of Nigeria’s population is under 30. According to Afrobarometer, Nigeria has a median age of 18.1 years, and 58% of its population is aged 0-29. Therefore, Nigeria isn’t merely a young country; it is a country dominated by young people.
Based on this information, this dominant demographic should wield considerable political influence. Unfortunately, there often appears to be little correlation between these statistics and political influence. The contrast is striking. While a majority of Nigeria’s population is young, there remains a significant gap between how influential young people are politically and how influential they could be. This lack of influence is not due to a lack of ability among young people; rather, it stems from many young people stopping short of completing what is often called the “civic journey,” which involves moving from awareness to action. They consume politics, engage in political debate on social media, participate in meme politics, and express frustration with politics through social media rants; however, many young people still fail to register to vote (PVCs) or participate in elections in sufficient numbers to affect the outcome.
This disparity is important because youth dissatisfaction is far from abstract. More than 23% of Nigerian youth report being unemployed or seeking employment, according to Afrobarometer. Additionally, more than two-thirds of youth aged 18 to 35 report having some form of postsecondary or secondary-level education. Despite Nigeria ranking among the lowest in providing employment and opportunities for youth, and despite identifying high costs of living, unemployment, crime and security concerns, poverty, poor economic management practices, and insufficient access to electricity as the top five issues requiring immediate attention from government officials, youth dissatisfaction cannot be considered indifferent. Rather, youth dissatisfaction reflects citizens’ grievances and legitimate reasons to be deeply interested in who governs their country.
However, mere interest alone will not suffice. Democracy does not reward passion without participation. A young person can identify every weakness inherent in a political system; however, unless that person participates by casting a vote, they will remain a spectator to their own future. If you are mature enough to understand concepts such as inflation, insecurity, broken campaign promises, unemployment rates, and poorly managed governance systems, you are mature enough to accept responsibility for your role in creating solutions to those problems. That responsibility begins with voting.
In addition to continuing to use social media to raise awareness of voter registration, election knowledge, fact-checking mechanisms used during elections, and peaceful participation methods, social media can also serve as a vehicle for facilitating the transition from social media activism to actual civic engagement. Young Nigerians should leverage their social media presence to encourage voter registration, promote election literacy programs, provide fact-checking services to counter election misinformation, and advocate for nonviolent participation throughout the electoral cycle. They should convert their social media timelines into civic classrooms. Where can I find the information I need about voter registration processes? Where is my assigned polling station located? Where do I receive my Permanent Voter Card? How do I protect myself from spreading misinformation? How do I properly monitor election results? These are not dull topics; they represent essential tools required for surviving democracy.
Youth organizations, creators, and social media entities can also help facilitate offline civic engagement. Use your WhatsApp groups to alert others as registration deadlines approach. Use X Spaces and Instagram Live to focus on discussing relevant issues rather than hurling insults. Use TikTok to simplify the voting process. Use Facebook to motivate family members and first-time voters to participate in elections. Use whatever platforms are available to make civic obligation contagious. Nigeria’s youth have shown they can create viral content. Now they must begin to generate participation on a viral scale.
One of the most damaging myths in Nigerian politics is that “your vote doesn’t matter.” It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that only serves the interests of cynics, crooks, and machines whose success depends solely on low turnout. Yes, Nigeria’s electoral process has flaws. Yes, there have been numerous disappointments. However, the response to a flawed democracy is not abandonment; it is increased participation. By staying home on Election Day, youth essentially give their votes — and therefore control — directly to the very same groups they loathe.
Another mythological excuse for the youth’s failure to vote in Nigeria is the claim that “all politicians are alike.” No — they’re not all the same. While some politicians are inept, others are corrupt, and others exhibit both characteristics, democracy is not about seeking holy men or women; it is about making selections and enforcing accountability. An individual who refuses to make a selection for office because none of the options appear acceptable is ultimately selecting the candidate most likely to emerge victorious by default.
Nigeria’s youth already constitute the country’s largest demographic group. It is time for them to become its strongest democratic force as well. However, that will not be achieved by trending hashtags alone. Instead, it will be achieved when online energy is harnessed and directed toward political organization, civic education, voter registration, increasing voter turnout, and holding elected representatives accountable after elections.
The 2023 election saw remarkable youth participation but lacked follow-up. Therefore, the 2027 election should not produce another generation of disillusioned observers; instead, it should yield a new generation of participatory citizens. Let online flames ignite electoral power. Let debates become ballots. Let criticism evolve into participation. If Nigerian youth can dominate social media, they can also dominate democracy. The future will not be handed to them in a retweet. They must elect it into existence.
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♦ Chris Ulasi is on the Editorial Board of The West African Pilot News. He contributes stories about culture and tradition, elite politics, ethnicity and national integration, civil society, and social movement. He is a university professor, community builder, poet, film producer, recording the emergent Nollywood cultural history through film.
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