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SPECIAL REPORT: Outdated Textbooks, Dearth of Materials Crippling Teaching in Public Primary Schools

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5 years ago

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Musa’s only teaching material is the curriculum, a flat rectangular book, given to him by the headmaster of the government primary school he was employed to teach. The curriculum is the only material he could use to carry his duty. But to give life to his basic science lessons, the primary four class teacher would need a variety of instructional materials, which currently are unavailable to him.

It’s been a year since Badamasi Musa resumed as a teacher at Presidential Lodge primary school. A small, dusty yard public school in Birnin Kebbi, Kebbi state capital. Though the school was built in a metropolitan area, its building resembled those found in distant and ungoverned settlements.

Shortly after he resumed, Musa realized he had just three types of books at his disposal. The basic science curriculum, the teacher’s guide, and an outdated textbook. But the textbook is irrelevant to him because the topics outlined in the textbook are not inconsistent with the content of the current curriculum.

Instead of providing valuable information about the topics outlined in the current curriculum, the textbook cover topics found in the old one.

The book was lying on Musa’s table, he had sent a student to fetch it upon the request of the reporter. It smelt musty and its pages flipped hurriedly as though eager to be left alone again. The textbook was pristine and made of purples, the kind that welcomes the eyes and invites the hand to touch. But a textbook can only be considered relevant if it offers information and explanation about a subject or theme based on the standard sequence of the curriculum.

‘’The FG-UBE intervention textbook is the only option provided but it’s not useful because it doesn’t match with the curriculum. Since the curriculum is more important, I have to abandon the textbook and teach with the information outlined in the curriculum,’’ Musa told the West African Pilot News reporter.

Although for Muhammed, relying solely on the curriculum to teach was already customary, he knew the students at his workplace are been denied access to quality education.

A range of learning resources is needed to support students in the learning process, among which textbooks are most notable.

Poor quality teaching is damaging learning

Hauwa identified her favorite subject as English although she is unable to read or write and is unfamiliar with comprehension passages since she rarely reads one in school and does not have a textbook of her own. The 12-year-old is a Primary 6 student of Gwandu Emirates Model Primary School in Birnin Kebbi.

Hauwa cannot communicate in English but is regarded as one of the brightest students in her class. Her spoken English is often applauded by her teacher, Sadiq. An unsurprising gesture, considering that her proficiency is just as low as his.

The young girl is about to be shipped to post-primary after been tutored by teachers who do not know effective pedagogical practice and have little access to necessary teaching materials.

However, Sadiq, her class teacher, who can barely construct a simple sentence or tell a phrase from a clause, is certain he has mastered how to tackle the sticky situation in his school.

“Some textbooks do not match with the curriculum for several subjects but the way we are doing it, we can use just the curriculum to teach. You have to follow the curriculum before you start because it contains everything wey fits dey inside the textbook. You know, the curriculum contains pupils’ work, topic, sub-topic, and evaluation.  So, if you read the curriculum well you can teach the students. You can also use google for extra information,” he said.

Pedagogical practice in government-owned elementary schools is mostly tandem to distasteful conditions of service.

The National Personnel Audit (NPA) report released by the Universal Basic Education Board (UBEC) in 2018 listed Kebbi as one of the top states with unqualified teachers in public schools.

The study indicated that pupils’ ability to learn is being threatened by the presence of substandard teachers in the state.

While the situation persists, it is worsened by the lack of auxiliary teaching materials needed to make learning effective.

The philosophy of primary education under the 9-year Basic Education Curriculum (BEC), is that every learner that undergoes the program should acquire the appropriate level of literacy, numeracy, and communicative skill needed for laying the foundation of a life-long learning experience, but the resources to foster effective implementation of the curriculum are either inadequate or lacking in most schools.

It is not enough to produce a curriculum; it is even more important to produce useful types of machinery that will ensure that its ideals are realizable through effective classroom practice.

The universal basic education program

 The Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) had procured 1.43 million textbooks in Mathematics, English, and social studies for pupils in primary 1-3 and 7.3 million textbooks for primary 4-6 in 2019, having disclosed that the process was ongoing the previous year.

The textbooks, stamped “UBEC/FG intervention textbooks”, were distributed under the 2015/2016 intervention by the commission.

In the same year, UBEC released N142.6 billion to states for the provision of necessary facilities in public primary and junior schools in the country.

The introduction of the UBE Act in 2004 ushered in policies that guaranteed the provision of instructional materials for all government-owned elementary schools across the country.

The UBE. a 9-year education program is a reform initiative designed to control, provide and improve education at the basic level. At the wheel of the initiative is the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), which coordinates the program and works to achieve the ambitious Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4 by ensuring the adequate provision, appropriate management, maximum utilization of educational resources.

Mathematics, Basic Science, English, Social Studies, Library resources, and Early childhood development materials are prioritized in the instructional material intervention and as of 2016, over a hundred million of these books had been distributed to public schools nationwide.

The FG had proposed a 1:1 textbook ratio for all core subjects for students in public schools and had designated `15 percent of the 2 percent of the consolidated fund for the procurement of instructional materials while 70 percent of the fund is released to states on the condition that an equal contribution is presented as matching grants.

The commission, UBEC, is statutorily required to use 15 percent of the revenue to provide textbooks and other materials for all public primary schools in the country.

However, there is still no contending the deplorable state of education in the country.

Primary education is officially free and compulsory but one in every five out-of-school children is in Nigeria and about 10.5 million children age 5-14 years are not in school. Add this to the millions of half-educated children tutored under a decaying educational system.

Pupils, teachers grapple with ineffective teaching

The classes at Justice Umar Model Primary School, are also plagued by the same tragedy. Students have no choice but to take shabby lessons by substandard teachers in a harsh and inconducive environment. While the provision of quality education requires that instructional materials are not limited to textbooks, the total absence of these materials can make learning ineffective.

But the pupils at Justice Umar Model Primary School are not the only ones skating on thin ice, teachers here are also direly affected and Farouq Umar is keen on decrying the unpleasant situation. The teacher has taken to borrowing textbooks from neighbours who enrolled their children in private schools. According to him, teachers and students in private schools in the state are privy to the right materials and resources, unlike government schools where such access is a luxury.

“Only private primary school teachers have current textbooks at their disposal and this is because school owners buy directly from publishers who are quick to update materials whenever a curriculum is reviewed. Most times when I am planning for my lessons, I just borrow textbooks from private school pupils in the neigbourhood. Some of the materials in my possession were given to me by a neigbour whose son graduated from a private school two years ago,” he said with a smirk on his face.

Farouq had once considered buying books with his earnings but the sum the multiple subjects teacher needed was too heavy for his meager N19000 monthly salary to bear. His wife and children would have next-to-nothing if he made such a move, so he settled with lending from neigbours.

PICTURE 5: Abandoned UBEC/FG intervention textbooks

Textbooks play an important in the teaching and learning process of any subject. Access to specific choices of curriculum and textbooks matter for student achievement according to a study by Ed Reports, a non-profit that reports on school instructional materials.

“The quality of a textbook has a significant effect on student’s achievement, can determine the quality of education and is based on content format and appropriateness for the students. They are most effective when they serve the teacher’s creativity in delivering learning,” the study read.

And for Aminu, another school teacher, the supply of outdated textbooks coupled with many other inadequacies in the school system translates to the growing uninterest and indifference among teachers.

The absence of instructional materials in the school is make teaching tedious for Abubakar.  He says the challenge has long depleted his motivation took effectively and is certain other teachers share his sentiment.

Request for reviewed textbooks unanswered

When Aminu, the headmaster of Justice Umar school first requested that the UBEC-FG intervention textbooks supplied to public schools in the state be revised during a meeting with the Local Government Education Authority (LGEA) in his council, he anticipated a swift response.

The situation undermined the quality of teaching and learning in the state and of course, a quick response was imperative or so I thought,” he explained.

But his hopes were dashed after he made similar requests in many other meetings and nothing changed. To the headmaster, educational bodies in the state are unintentional about the quality of education in public schools.  Aminu believes that is the only way to explain why after several complaints from school headmasters, most materials are either unavailable or outdated.

And to fan the flames, subjects recently introduced are without teaching materials.

While some were clustered under a curriculum, others left independent but instructional materials for these subjects are unavailable.

PICTURE 7: History and Islamic studies curriculum issued without teaching materials

I think some two, three years back, some subjects were merged into one such as Basic Education which comprises Basic Science, Basic technology, ICT and Agriculture. And also Religious and national values which comprise security education, social studies, Civic Education, IRK, and CRK. These are independent subjects that were merged under one curriculum. But we never received any instructional materials for these subjects save for Social studies.

I also received the curriculum and teachers’ guide for history as a new subject but I had to ignore the subject because I couldn’t even find a textbook for that subject in the market.

“The curriculum for new subjects was issued with teachers’ guide but without any instructional material. I couldn’t assign anyone to teach the subjects because of that. We can’t teach these subjects with just teachers’ guides.

I even asked the LGEA in numerous meetings. I have asked over and over why textbooks for the new subjects weren’t supplied with the curriculums and guides,’’ he said in an irritating tone.

Expert speaks

An Education expert, Mr. Awopetu Olajide, who is specialized in special education and curriculum studies, blamed the situation on the floppiness of the government.

According to him, such problems are more likely to surface when policymakers leave classroom teachers out of the curriculum planning process. He also indicated that teaching cannot be effective without the use of auxiliary materials like textbooks.

“There is a curriculum and textbooks relationship which have to do with the textbook showcasing what is enshrined in the curriculum. So, there is no way a teacher can teach effectively without access to auxiliary materials like textbooks. And when you talk about effective teaching, learning is embedded. Effective teaching will bring about the effectiveness of learning. So ordinarily, when a textbook is been prepared, the author must follow what is written in the curriculum. Because the curriculum has topics that have been preselected for each session.

“Topics in the textbook must tally with the topics in the curriculum. Sadly, the supply of outdated textbooks is a result of laxity on the part of the government. This is a problem that occurs when the policymakers leave out classroom teachers when selecting topics for the curriculum. Teachers should not be left out but carried along in both curriculum planning and the distribution of teaching materials

Mr. Awopetu also posited that to ensure quality education, textbooks, and other teaching materials must be reviewed regularly so that updated information will be considered.

He stated that quality primary education has a major impact on the lifelong learning experience of school children, noting that if teaching materials are adequately prepared, effective teaching will be achieved.

“In most public schools, there are materials but these materials are mostly outdated. And teachers in these schools have a lukewarm attitude to their job for reasons best known to them. But if things are adequately prepared or provided by the government, definitely the teachers will teach effectively,” he added.

“If there is the effectiveness of teaching there will be quality learning. This will affect the lifelong learning experience of the students because the quality of teaching and learning they receive now will make in the future and if the students are adequately prepared now, the future of the country will be guaranteed. And if the case is otherwise, then definitely, the future of the country is at stake.”

UBEC hijacked procurement of instructional materials – SUBEB

When WAP contacted the state’s Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB), the body claimed the challenge exist because procurement of instructional materials is directed and coordinated at the national level and not the state.

According to SUBEB’s executive secretary, Umar Hassan, the procurement and distribution of textbooks by UBEC denies states the liberty to approve textbooks based on their needs and peculiarities.

“The mandate to supply instructional materials is rested with UBEC and the commission in charge of this supply to all the states in the country. But this problem exists because UBEC hijacked the responsibility of supplying textbooks from SUBEB. If states are at liberty to decide what and how the textbooks will be designed and supplied based on their environment and reality, then we won’t be in this mess,” he said.

Mr. Hassan indicated that the board has trained teachers on how to source alternative instructional materials in situations where textbooks and other materials are unavailable.

He also noted that primary school teachers have been advised to source for information on the internet to aid teaching.

“SUBEB has trained teachers to find an alternative source of instructional materials. In some cases, it’s just some topics that are missing because new concepts have been inserted into the curriculum and we advise them to use the Internet.

“Headteachers have been instructed to make sure they have a phone with internet access, to support class teachers without such access.  We have been training teachers on how to improvise instructional materials, government alone cannot provide all. We have trained them in activity-based teaching approaches which requires them to improvise instructional materials using low or no-cost materials. We are not asking them to buy materials with their money,” he added.

He stated that the board has notified UBEC of the challenge with instructional materials in the state, and can only hope that the problem is rectified.

 

 

 

 

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From Noise to Votes: Nigerian Youth Must Turn Online Fire into Electoral Power

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7 days ago

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June 1, 2026

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Young Nigerians have shown a remarkable ability to create waves in the digital space. With a single click, they can expose a politician’s corruption, rally tens of thousands of supporters behind a single hashtag, and keep every political actor on edge from dawn until dusk. However, as the 2027 general elections draw closer, it is time to face an uncomfortable truth: loud online noise isn’t the same as real power in the political sphere. If Nigerian youth wish to get the best possible leadership from their nation’s leaders, they need to take their online activity offline (i.e., to places where actual democracy occurs) and start showing up to cast votes.

There is simply too much evidence to ignore that this needs to occur. Nigeria is a young country demographically. Together, Gen Z and Millennials comprise approximately half of the total population—50.1 percent—according to IntelPoint. Gen Z makes up 25.8 percent and Millennials account for 24.3 percent. When we consider Gen Alpha, the percentage rises to 85.7% of the population under 44. According to ActionAid Nigeria, more than 60% of Nigeria’s population is under 30. According to Afrobarometer, Nigeria has a median age of 18.1 years, and 58% of its population is aged 0-29. Therefore, Nigeria isn’t merely a young country; it is a country dominated by young people.

Based on this information, this dominant demographic should wield considerable political influence. Unfortunately, there often appears to be little correlation between these statistics and political influence. The contrast is striking. While a majority of Nigeria’s population is young, there remains a significant gap between how influential young people are politically and how influential they could be. This lack of influence is not due to a lack of ability among young people; rather, it stems from many young people stopping short of completing what is often called the “civic journey,” which involves moving from awareness to action. They consume politics, engage in political debate on social media, participate in meme politics, and express frustration with politics through social media rants; however, many young people still fail to register to vote (PVCs) or participate in elections in sufficient numbers to affect the outcome.

This disparity is important because youth dissatisfaction is far from abstract. More than 23% of Nigerian youth report being unemployed or seeking employment, according to Afrobarometer. Additionally, more than two-thirds of youth aged 18 to 35 report having some form of postsecondary or secondary-level education. Despite Nigeria ranking among the lowest in providing employment and opportunities for youth, and despite identifying high costs of living, unemployment, crime and security concerns, poverty, poor economic management practices, and insufficient access to electricity as the top five issues requiring immediate attention from government officials, youth dissatisfaction cannot be considered indifferent. Rather, youth dissatisfaction reflects citizens’ grievances and legitimate reasons to be deeply interested in who governs their country.

However, mere interest alone will not suffice. Democracy does not reward passion without participation. A young person can identify every weakness inherent in a political system; however, unless that person participates by casting a vote, they will remain a spectator to their own future. If you are mature enough to understand concepts such as inflation, insecurity, broken campaign promises, unemployment rates, and poorly managed governance systems, you are mature enough to accept responsibility for your role in creating solutions to those problems. That responsibility begins with voting.

In addition to continuing to use social media to raise awareness of voter registration, election knowledge, fact-checking mechanisms used during elections, and peaceful participation methods, social media can also serve as a vehicle for facilitating the transition from social media activism to actual civic engagement. Young Nigerians should leverage their social media presence to encourage voter registration, promote election literacy programs, provide fact-checking services to counter election misinformation, and advocate for nonviolent participation throughout the electoral cycle. They should convert their social media timelines into civic classrooms. Where can I find the information I need about voter registration processes? Where is my assigned polling station located? Where do I receive my Permanent Voter Card? How do I protect myself from spreading misinformation? How do I properly monitor election results? These are not dull topics; they represent essential tools required for surviving democracy.

Youth organizations, creators, and social media entities can also help facilitate offline civic engagement. Use your WhatsApp groups to alert others as registration deadlines approach. Use X Spaces and Instagram Live to focus on discussing relevant issues rather than hurling insults. Use TikTok to simplify the voting process. Use Facebook to motivate family members and first-time voters to participate in elections. Use whatever platforms are available to make civic obligation contagious. Nigeria’s youth have shown they can create viral content. Now they must begin to generate participation on a viral scale.

One of the most damaging myths in Nigerian politics is that “your vote doesn’t matter.” It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that only serves the interests of cynics, crooks, and machines whose success depends solely on low turnout. Yes, Nigeria’s electoral process has flaws. Yes, there have been numerous disappointments. However, the response to a flawed democracy is not abandonment; it is increased participation. By staying home on Election Day, youth essentially give their votes — and therefore control — directly to the very same groups they loathe.

Another mythological excuse for the youth’s failure to vote in Nigeria is the claim that “all politicians are alike.” No — they’re not all the same. While some politicians are inept, others are corrupt, and others exhibit both characteristics, democracy is not about seeking holy men or women; it is about making selections and enforcing accountability. An individual who refuses to make a selection for office because none of the options appear acceptable is ultimately selecting the candidate most likely to emerge victorious by default.

Nigeria’s youth already constitute the country’s largest demographic group. It is time for them to become its strongest democratic force as well. However, that will not be achieved by trending hashtags alone. Instead, it will be achieved when online energy is harnessed and directed toward political organization, civic education, voter registration, increasing voter turnout, and holding elected representatives accountable after elections.

The 2023 election saw remarkable youth participation but lacked follow-up. Therefore, the 2027 election should not produce another generation of disillusioned observers; instead, it should yield a new generation of participatory citizens. Let online flames ignite electoral power. Let debates become ballots. Let criticism evolve into participation. If Nigerian youth can dominate social media, they can also dominate democracy. The future will not be handed to them in a retweet. They must elect it into existence.

_________

♦ Chris Ulasi is on the Editorial Board of The West African Pilot News. He contributes stories about culture and tradition, elite politics, ethnicity and national integration, civil society, and social movement. He is a university professor, community builder, poet, film producer, recording the emergent Nollywood cultural history through film.

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Between Silence and Sabotage: Jonathan’s Return to Political Manipulation

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7 days ago

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June 1, 2026

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“Jonathan’s calculated and weaponized ambiguity breeds deception and weakens emerging political alliances.” —Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo

Former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has once again found himself at the center of presidential speculation, floating silently above the country’s political waters while supporters aggressively market him as a possible candidate ahead of another critical election cycle. And once again, Jonathan is doing what he has mastered throughout his political career: saying nothing clearly while allowing political confusion to grow around him.

This pattern is not new. It is the same indecisive political behavior that defined some of the most consequential moments of his rise and fall. Jonathan became president in 2010 following the death of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. At the time, many northern political stakeholders within the then-ruling PDP believed there was an informal understanding that Jonathan would complete Yar’Adua’s term but not seek another full term in 2011, thereby preserving the party’s zoning arrangement between North and South. Instead of taking a clear and immediate position, Jonathan spent months dribbling the nation politically. He neither fully denied nor openly confirmed his intentions until the political tension had already escalated nationwide.

By the time he eventually declared his candidacy, the damage had been done. Many northern allies who initially supported him felt betrayed, politically cornered, or deceived. The PDP fractured internally, regional distrust deepened, and Jonathan’s relationship with major northern power blocs deteriorated permanently. Though he won the 2011 election, the cracks created by that indecision followed him into 2015, contributing significantly to the coalition that eventually removed him from power.

Yet Jonathan learned little from that experience. Since losing reelection in 2015, his name has repeatedly surfaced during every major electoral cycle as a potential presidential contender. Each time, his supporters strategically floated his candidacy across media platforms and political circles. Each time, Jonathan refused to decisively shut the door. Silence became his political instrument, whereas ambiguity became his strategy.

Now the country is witnessing the same playbook again. As coalition politics intensify and opposition forces attempt to consolidate around alternative political movements, Jonathan’s name has resurfaced aggressively. Reports and speculations about his presidential ambition continue to dominate political discussions, especially within camps seeking to disrupt the growing momentum surrounding Peter Obi and emerging opposition realignments.

The troubling part is not merely that Jonathan’s supporters are campaigning. The troubling part is that Jonathan fully understands the implications of his silence. He knows that his political stature carries enough weight to destabilize fragile coalition negotiations. He knows his name alone can divide campaign structures, weaken consensus-building, and inject uncertainty into opposition calculations. Yet he refuses to publicly and definitively state where he stands.

That is not statesmanship. That is calculated political ambiguity. Jonathan’s political history is filled with similarly contradictory choices. After losing power in 2015, he received widespread praise for conceding defeat peacefully. He initially framed that decision as a sacrifice made to preserve Nigerian lives and prevent violence. Later, however, different narratives emerged suggesting international pressure, particularly from the United States under President Obama. The shifting explanations weakened what could have remained one of his strongest democratic legacies.

Then came another contradiction. Despite emerging politically from the PDP, Jonathan gradually aligned himself closely with the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, serving in diplomatic and goodwill capacities that many PDP loyalists considered politically inappropriate. This unusual closeness fueled longstanding allegations that elements within the APC establishment viewed Jonathan as a useful political instrument capable of destabilizing opposition coalitions from within. Whether those allegations are true or not, Jonathan’s conduct has consistently created room for suspicion.

His political base remains uncertain. His campaign structure is invisible.

Today, his undeclared ambition is already generating confusion among supporters, coalition organizers, and opposition strategists. His political base remains uncertain. His campaign structure is invisible. His intentions are unclear. Yet his loyalists continue mobilizing aggressively in his name while he watches silently from the shadows.

Nigeria is too politically fragile for this kind of elite gamesmanship. At critical national moments, leadership demands clarity, courage, and accountability. Jonathan cannot continue operating as a permanent “maybe” in Nigeria’s political future, thoughtlessly hovering around every election season like an unanswered question designed to manipulate negotiations and weaken emerging alliances.

At this time, Jonathan should sit in or sit out! If he wants to run, he should declare openly, defend his record, and face the democratic process directly. If he does not intend to run, he should immediately and publicly withdraw his name from the political marketplace. Anything short of that increasingly looks less like political strategy and more like calculated deception. Nigeria deserves leaders who make difficult choices openly—not politicians who weaponize silence while others gamble with national uncertainty in their name.

♦ Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

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The Devastation of Insurgency: Nigeria Cannot Kill Its Way Out of Insecurity

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June 1, 2026

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“Insecurity persists not only because armed groups are present but also because the state is often absent” —Dr. Declan Onwudiwe

Nigeria cannot kill its way out of insecurity. While military victories may win battles, only legitimacy, governance, and economic opportunity can secure lasting peace. Across the country, persistent violence, characterized by impunity and a tragic disregard for human life, has exposed the limits of a force-only approach. The time has come for a more sweeping and planned security response.

What is most troubling is the continuing victimization of innocent citizens, especially women and children. Reports of attacks on farmers, worshippers in churches and mosques, and travelers have become disturbingly routine. Kidnappings, sexual violence, and the killing of schoolchildren have weakened public confidence in the state’s ability to protect its people. These are not individual events but symptoms of a deeper structural crisis. Yet, Nigeria is not without options. A strategic and sustained plan can alter this trajectory.

Cooperation between Nigeria’s security forces and international partners is praiseworthy and necessary. However, a recurring weakness undermines these gains: areas cleared by the military are often left insufficiently secured, allowing insurgents and bandits to return. A viable strategy must go beyond clearing territory to consolidating control. Insurgent groups adapt rapidly; after defeat, they disperse, regroup, and re-emerge in areas where governance is weak. Every community reclaimed by force but left without sustained state presence risks becoming tomorrow’s battleground.

Experience from other regions underscores this point. Countries such as Colombia and Iraq that have made substantial progress against insurgency have done so by maintaining a firm and continuous government presence in liberated areas. Where state authority is visible through security, justice, and basic services, insurgents find it much harder to re-establish control. Where it is absent, violence returns. Nigeria must learn from this reality and prioritize holding territory as much as reclaiming it.

At the heart of the problem is a governance deficit. Insecurity persists not only because armed groups are present but also because the state is often absent. Recovered areas commonly lack functioning institutions, effective policing, and access to justice. Without these, citizens remain vulnerable, and security gains become temporary. A credible strategy must ensure that communities reclaimed by security forces are immediately supported with police presence, local administration, and basic services, including healthcare, education, and dispute resolution.

Equally important is the recognition that the population, not the battlefield, is the true center of gravity in counterinsurgency. Intelligence from local communities is indispensable, but it depends on trust. Where citizens feel protected and respected, they are more willing to share information. Where they feel neglected or abused, they withdraw. Strengthening this relationship between citizens and the state is essential.

Intelligence-led security operations are far more effective than broad, reactive force. Targeted precision, based on reliable information, disrupts insurgent leadership, logistics, and financing networks. But this requires the population’s cooperation. When criminals operate with impunity, and accountability is weak, citizens lose confidence and hesitate to engage. Restoring trust, therefore, requires both professionalism within the security forces and a justice system that swiftly and fairly punishes wrongdoing.

Beyond security operations, Nigeria must address the economic drivers of instability. Youth unemployment and underemployment remain major concerns. Many young people struggle to find meaningful livelihoods, keeping them vulnerable to exploitation by criminal and extremist networks. Security cannot be sustained without opportunity. Investments in agriculture, education, infrastructure, electricity, and small-scale industry are not just economic policies; they are security measures. A population rich in hope and opportunity is less susceptible to recruitment and radicalization by violent groups.

The question of self-defense has also entered public debate. While communities have a natural right to protect themselves and arm themselves, widespread and unregulated access to weapons carries serious risks. Criminological literature shows that the proliferation of arms without accountability can fuel cycles of violence and create new security challenges. The solution is not to transform communities into rival armed camps but to build structured partnerships between citizens and the state.

Community-based security initiatives can play a valuable role when properly organized, regulated, and integrated into the wider security framework. Groups such as local defense volunteers should operate under unambiguous legal authority, receive appropriate training, and remain accountable to state institutions. When managed effectively, such partnerships can enhance intelligence gathering, strengthen local resilience, and complement formal security forces.

Nigeria now remains at a crossroads. It can continue to approach insecurity primarily as a military problem and remain trapped in a cycle of temporary victories followed by renewed violence. Or it can adopt a more extensive, more strategic approach, one that acknowledges that sustainable security depends on governance, legitimacy, and opportunity as much as on force.

The way forward is clear. Nigeria must hold every liberated area through sustained security and governance. It must prioritize intelligence by building trust with local communities. It must deliver a visible and tangible state presence through schools, healthcare, and justice systems. It must formalize and regulate community-based security initiatives. And it must expand economic opportunities to reduce the appeal of violence and criminality.

Countries that have turned the tide against insurgency did so not through force alone, but by rebuilding the bond between the state and its people. Nigeria must do the same. Until that bond is strengthened, insecurity will remain not just a threat at the margins, but a challenge rooted at the core of the nation’s stability.

Only through a coordinated, long-term strategy can Nigeria move from managing insecurity to truly controlling it.

____

■ Ihekwoaba Declan Onwudiwe, Ph.D., of the School of Public Affairs, Texas Southern University, is a Professor and Director, Africa Institute for Strategic Security Studies (AISSS). He is also on the EDITORIAL BOARD of  the WAP

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