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Obiano vs Soludo: The Treacherous Politics of Comradeship and Succession

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“Prof. Soludo must stand firmly and define the type of government he wants to run from day one in office” ―Ebuka Onyekwelu

With four months left for Governor Obiano to hand over to the Governor-Elect, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, it is expected that political intrigues will set in to define Governor Obiano and Prof. Soludo’s relationship, moving forward. Much of these intrigues will be set in motion by aides to governor Obiano who are now switching loyalty to the new governor-to-be. Then some will also be as a result of Soludo’s trusted aides and allies working hard, albeit being overzealous to cement their positions in the new government. These two groups are the ones that will shape how the new government kicks off on March 17, 2022. Whether the new government will move stably and swiftly towards the expressed targets of the new governor depends largely, on how Soludo responds to the current pressure he must have been subjected to by some desperate power seekers.

At the moment, both Governor Obiano and Prof. Soludo are enjoying a deserved rest with their families abroad. Governor Obiano is in the United States while Prof. Soludo is in the United Kingdom. By the very nature of power, from the day Prof. Soludo was declared Governor-Elect, Governor Obiano will continue to decline even while still in office till the last day. But Prof. Soludo will continue to rise and overshadow the incumbent governor. The desperation of political appointees who desire to become part of the incoming government has not made it any easy for the incoming governor. These aides to the incumbent governor, some political jobbers, and contractors out of desperation will begin to divulge privileged information, official secrets, and even mere conjectures to Prof. Soludo, as bait for their relevance and eventual comeback as part of the new government. Given this very situation which is part of our integrity-challenged polity, it is predictable that while Obiano may not and never have as many visitors as he used to have while holidaying in the US in all his years as Governor of Anambra State, it is conversely likely that Prof. Soludo may be having the kind of visitors he has never had in all his years holidaying in the UK.

The most tragic part of this is that many trusted aides of Governor Obiano and other allies with whom the outgoing governor has worked very well, will sacrifice that relationship and move to the new governor with indicting information and supporting documents, to make the impression that they are on the side of the new governor and that they are interested in his success. People do this with such brazen shamelessness, employing all manner of subterfuge to undermine the outgoing governor as their own ticket for relevance in the new government. If Prof. Soludo falls for it, that will only signal the beginning of an ensuing crisis between the outgoing governor and the incoming governor.

Without belaboring the obvious, Governor Obiano and Prof. Soludo are not cut from the same human frame, whatsoever. I mean, a mere look at the two men reveals that they are two different individuals in two different worlds. Giving these natural differences in personality and composition, there is bound to be grey areas in their relationship and agreement on governance issues. Now that Prof. Soludo has been elected governor, it will be clear to see that much of Prof. Soludo’s support to Governor Obiano was based purely on politics, not on principle and there are consequences, particularly now that he is assuming the saddle of power. This is already an established fact that is going to influence the relationship and how smoothly or bumpy Obiano’s handover to Soludo will be and moving forward, in the new administration. But these are desperate times and some aides of government Obiano want to make a living in the next government by all means and that will only escalate an already likely frosty relationship thereby causing tension and possible bad blood which may leave Obiano and Soludo on the path of collusion.

The feud between Obi and Obiano that is still very much unresolved today

If this happens, it will not be the first time. Governor Peter Obi after a successful campaign for Obiano quickly ran out of favour with his successor, Governor Obiano, largely for the same two reasons; Obi and Obiano are two different individuals in their own different worlds, but even the deceptive maneuver of Obi’s aides and close allies who tried to switch loyalty alongside Obiano’s own trusted allies and aides, played a dominant role in the feud between Obi and Obiano that is still very much unresolved today. These same realities are upon Anambra political space today.

For the governor-elect Prof. Soludo, he must maintain his focus, build his own political clout without any form of crisis with his predecessor. Prof. Soludo must not be distracted by efforts of political jobbers and betrayals who before now have worked well with the incumbent governor. These are still the same people that will sabotage the new government. In fact, Prof. Soludo may wish to avoid further comments on Obiano’s government, appointees, and etc. Upon assumption of office, let his works speak to the quality of his government and the depth of his conviction on issues of governance. Although Obiano does not look like he may be interested in asking Soludo for anything, just like Soludo doesn’t come off as someone that requires the assistance of his predecessor to make his marks. However, the last legacy Soludo must not carry into his new government is a face-off with Governor Obinano, as that will constitute a huge distraction with its accompanying politicization by some political hooks determined to profit from such development. At the end, the government would end up revolving around Obiano and Soludo, in needless comparison and superiority contest that does absolutely no good to the new government.

Therefore, Prof. Soludo must stand firmly and define the type of government he wants to run from day one in office and pursue his vision of a prosperous homeland on the merit of his own ability to deliver and on the viability of his vision. Prof. Soludo may wish to consider a few months extension of some of the appointees of the current governor, many of whom eventually in the cause of time will be relieved of their duties, for more capable and innovative hands who will assist the governor in actualizing his giant and audacious vision for the state. Sudden and sharp overhaul of government officials will contrast and then have a negative rebound on the new government and the state at large. Admittedly, the first few months might be a bit tough; certainly, taking off with such a huge vision under prevailing circumstances can be daunting, and might altogether become impossible if the early stage is not strategically well managed, with the big picture in view. Prof. Soludo can afford to take off without ruffling feathers, considering that it is a long way to go and many feathers will be ruffled eventually in the cause of the journey.

♦ Ebuka Onyekwelu, strategic governance exponent,  is a columnist with the WAP

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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