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Nnamdi Kanu Never Authorised Killing Of Human Beings For Charms, It’s An Abominable Act— IPOB

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IPOB said this in its reaction to the confession of Emeoyiri Uzoma Benjamin, also known as Onye Army, that Kanu ordered him to kill people for charms.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) says its leader, Nnamdi Kanu has never authorised the killing of innocent civilians or security agents.

Nnamdi Kanu

IPOB said this in its reaction to the confession of one Emeoyiri Uzoma Benjamin, also known as Onye Army, that Kanu ordered him to kill people for charms.

The suspect, Onye Army, nabbed by the Imo State Police Command said the IPOB leader also asked him to abduct and kill 10 girls to make protective charms.

IPOB said, “The so-called Onye Army said he joined ESN in 2019 while ESN was established on December 12th, 2020 it exposed them that they coached him to be talking rubbish statements against ESN, IPOB, and Nnamdi Kanu.”

According to the statement by the group’s spokesman, Emma Powerful released on Sunday, Onye Army was used by the Department of the State Services (DSS) to make false statements against Kanu who has been in DSS custody since last Tuesday.

The pro-Biafra separatist group said in the statement, “We state without ambiguities that our leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, an ardent believer in God and an adherent of the Jewish faith does not believe in bloodshed and never asked anyone to kill to be fortified. He doesn’t believe in fetish powers and has openly preached against such ungodly practice.”

Powerful maintained that IPOB’s goal is certain to actualise Biafra while its militia wing was established to resist Fulani killer herdsmen in South-East and South-South regions and other places where Biafra supporters find themselves.

The statement reads: “The attention of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) ably led by our great and indomitable leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, has been drawn to the fallacious claims by one man who claimed to be Eastern Security Network (ESN) Commander, and claiming that our leader commanded him to kill security agents.

“He also shamelessly claimed that 10 girls were killed to prepare charms to fortify him which are false statements forced by the DSS to make such unfounded statements against ESN, IPOB, and our leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. The so-called Onye Army said he join ESN in 2019 while ESN was established on December 12th, 2020. It exposed them that they coached him to be talking rubbish statements against ESN, IPOB, and Nnamdi Kanu.

“We want to make it clear that the purported ESN Commander is not known to us and we discovered that he is a mole planted by the government and security agencies into ESN. We know our commanders and they know us. The so-called man must be one of the criminals recruited by the Department of State Services to infiltrate ESN but our gallant men were at alert and smarter than the DSS.

“It is obvious that the so-called ESN Commander and his likes were the saboteurs planted by the DSS to assassinate our gallant Ikonso. After killing Ikonso, they are now trying to concoct a tale to implicate our leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. We are not surprised that Nigeria took back their mole after the death of Ikonso the unit commander whom the so-called Onye Army spied over before his death.

“This Onye Army was nowhere to be seen after the death of Ikonso, where did he get the information that our leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu gave the order for 2,000 heads to bury Ikonso because he was not in the camp again from that day he gave Ikonso out to Nigeria’s security service, and can he provide the parents of those thirteen virgins he was mentioned during his interrogation? Nigerian security agencies must stop using fake news and propaganda to demoralise IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, and ESN because we don’t kill (people) who are not terrorists.

“We are not however surprised that now that the Nigeria security has abducted our leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, and put him in custody, they will sponsor all manner of criminals to see if they can implicate him and puncture his global reputation. The question every sane person will be asking is: why now that our leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is in custody that the so-called ESN Commander is making this ridiculous confessional statement?

“The Nigerian Security apparatus are shopping for compromised witnesses for their unfounded accusations levelled against our leader just as they did in 2015 when they arrested him the first time and they will fail in this their new project as they failed then in 2015.”

He continued, “IPOB and ESN do not also kill people to get powers. Our faith and values abhor such superstition. How can we be killing the same people we are putting our lives on the line to defend and liberate? It sounds very stupid! We are not Fulani herdsmen and bandits who bathe with
“Members of the public should disregard such claims. The DSS is only trying but in vain to implicate our leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu so that they can establish grounds to convict him but they will not succeed. ESN was only established to defend our ancestral land against terrorists and bandits ravaging our communities. The killing of security agents wasn’t part of its mandate.

“It should also be noted that ESN is not unknown gunmen created by security agents to create the wrong impression that ESN was killing security agents. We made these explanations before but people never believed us. Now it has become obvious why the Nigerian security agencies were killing in the name of unknown gunmen and blaming it on IPOB and ESN just to justify their continued extra-judicial killing of our people.

“This was how a police officer killed five persons in Enugu recently and was blaming it on unknown gunmen if not that luck ran out on him and one of his victims survived to tell the truth. God exposed him and his atrocities, otherwise, they would have pointed accusing fingers at ESN or IPOB.

“We pity DSS because they have failed with this latest episode on arrival because ESN doesn’t kill anybody unless you are a terrorist. ESN was inaugurated to chase Fulani terrorists rampaging our farms and villages, not police or army. Our leader only believes in self-defence when we are attacked without provocation, and self-defence is legal and a fundamental right. It doesn’t matter who the attacker may be, once one is attacked without provocation the victim has the right to defend himself/herself.

“We are calling on human rights organisations, UN, US, EU, AU, Australia, Canada, Israel, Britain, Russia, France, Japan and other Western and civilised countries in the world that ESN and IPOB do not kill innocent citizens because they were not set up for that purpose. The ESN was set up to drive away armed Fulani terrorists who took over our forests and farmlands thereby preventing our mothers from cultivating their farmland. Nigeria’s security agencies are institutions of liars designed to concoct falsehood against innocent citizens. This is their trademark.”

Culled from the Sahara Reporters

 

 

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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