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The Tragedy of Lai Mohammed’s Spiteful Narrative on Lekki Massacre

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4 years ago

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“It is a disaster that someone who is ready to use government paraphernalia to attempt to intimidate and force a narrative down the throat of Nigerians” ―Ebuka Onyekwelu

Nigeria’s Minister of Information Alhaji Lai Mohammed, has continued unabated with his single narrative that no one was killed at the Lekki Tollgate scandalous event over a year ago, during the endsars protest. Only a few months ago, Mr. Lai was threatening CNN for the effrontery to independently investigate and actually affirm that Nigeria army officers shot at peaceful protesters with live bullets and killed many in the process. The audacity of the report was such that it rattled minister Lai Mohammed so much that he had to call a press conference to address the issues raised in CNN’s detailed investigation. During the press conference, he then accused the giant news company of meddling in the internal affairs of Nigeria and being part of a certain plan to destabilize Nigeria, while insisting that the army did not shoot with live bullets and that nobody died at Lekki Tollgate. CNN responded in kind insisting that its report is credible.

Typical of a Nigerian panel of inquiry which usually dies and never resurrect, the Endsars panels of inquiry in nearly all the states where they were instituted have since disappeared. Only the Lagos state EndSars panel has been able to complete its task and submit its report. In Anambra which has some of the worst tales of police brutality and where a notorious SARS operative who many accuse of the “disappearance” of their loved ones held sway, the panel set up by the state government has not sat beyond its preliminary stage. This is the situation in most states where there is a judicial panel of inquiry on Endsars. But in Lagos state, it was different. Upon submission of the panel’s report to the governor of Lagos state, while the whitepaper on the panel’s report is still being expected, Alhaji Lai Mohammed has gone on to call another press conference to discredit the report submitted by the Lagos state judicial panel of inquiry on Endsars and police brutality. Not only picking holes in the report which was only leaked to the public as the findings and report of the panel is not formally made public, but regrettably preempting the expected whitepaper on the panel’s report.

He obviously, is not interested in getting to the logical conclusion of what really happened at Lekki Tollgate

Lai Mohammed, it appears is not interested in whether people were actually killed at Lekki Tollgate by government forces. He obviously, is not interested in getting to the logical and satisfactory conclusion of what really happened at Lekki Tollgate; something every responsible citizen should be interested in. His singular preoccupation is to continue to insist against good conscience, that nobody was killed by the military at Lekki Tollgate on 20th October 2020 and for him, perhaps the government he represents, it is better to sweep whatever happened at Lekki Tollgate one year ago under the carpet, than for people in authority to take responsibility. There could hardly be anything more unfortunate. This posturing admittedly is not strange because Nigerian government officials are averse to being asked some questions and the government is not used to providing convincing evidence-based answers when they choose to respond. This is the only reason a minister of Nigeria will have the courage to trivialize and dismiss facts in the name of defending the government.

The tragedy really is to think that someone, so averse to due process and to the normal procedure of investigating scandalous and suspicious issues such as the Lekki event, is an official of the Nigerian government, its spokesman for that matter. That Lai has continued to make wild, but baseless claims that nobody died at the shooting by military officers, on the evening of October 20th speaks to the depth of the rot in Nigeria. If Mr. Lai was the governor of Lagos, the panel would have simply vanished as they did in many other states.

If Mr. Lai was the governor of Lagos, the panel would have simply vanished as they did in many other states.

It is a disaster that someone who is ready to use government paraphernalia to attempt to intimidate and force a narrative down the throat of Nigerians and observes all over the world is the mouthpiece of the government of the day. This impliedly indicates that Lai’s position is one and the same as that of the government he represents. Without a doubt, minister Lai is not interested in anything else aside from his own storyline that nobody died at Lekki Tollgate. Curiously, he, and his gang of government defenders on government payroll, are the only ones pushing this story that nobody died at Lekki Tollgate a year ago, against all available evidence and commonsense. But then, for the benefit of doubt, what is even more worrisome is if what Lai Mohammed says represents the position of the federal government on the brutalization and state execution of peaceful protesters at Lekki Tollgate last year October.

For a year, some agents of the federal government demanded evidence that suggests that people were killed by the military at Lekki Tollgate. Some of them even asked that people should exercise patience for the judicial panels of inquiry to conclude their inquiries. With the leaked report of the Lagos panel, names of both injured and killed victims were gathered and documented, with strong evidence that soldiers shot at with live bullets and killed innocent protesters, should weigh heavier than any political allegiance. If anything, a thinking government should not allow or tolerate its mouthpiece coming out to discredit albeit baselessly, such heavily indicting report.

Lai Mohammed is subjecting murdered innocent citizens to atrocious dishonor even in their death. What can possibly be more comic and tragic at the same time as the unfounded insistence by Lai Mohammed that no one was killed? If the federal government still cares about anything, then, Lai Mohammed should be cautioned at least, but what he deserves is a clean sack. A government that abuses its citizens alive, and dishonours them in death, is a government that is at war with its own citizens. The government no matter how averse to the feelings of the governed must have a human face, much less the one that prides itself as democratic.

♦ Ebuka Onyekwelu, strategic governance exponent,  is a columnist with the WAP

 

 

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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3 weeks ago

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April 7, 2026

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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4 months ago

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December 27, 2025

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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4 months ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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