Connect with us

Nigeria

The 2023 Presidential Election: Reflections on ‘Igbo Unity’

Published

on

“Opposition against the political ambition of individuals is guided by political interests, not by ethnic identity” ―Ebuka Onyekwelu

The concept of ‘Igbo unity’ seems to interest all Nigerians of all ethnic nationalities, particularly as it concerns national politics. Discussions on Igbo unity arise only in relation to national politics, especially when the presidential election is around the corner. But also when there is an argument on the propriety of ‘allowing’ an Igbo man to become president. Whatever this Igbo unity means, fascinatingly, it is only relevant for x-raying why an Igbo man is yet to become President of Nigeria since the end of the civil war.

In most recent memory, that is between 1999 and now, no Igbo man has yet to become Nigeria’s president, while the other two major groups and President Jonathan from the minority South-South geo-political zone have governed the country. Having this conversation, most Nigerians tend to agree that the reason is that Igbos are not united politically. For so many years, this narrative about Igbo political disunity has been told over and over, mostly unchallenged to the point that it has been mainstreamed without questions. While it is unclear what exactly many Nigerians mean by Igbo unity in national politics, or Igbo unity within the context of pursuit of national political ambition, the usual line of argument however, is suggestive of singleness of political aspiration and pursuit of a political agenda through a single strategy or through an individual. But the shocking reality is that Igbo people might be the only people group in the world who are expected or indeed, tasked to belong to the same political party or have a consensus candidate for presidential elections. Perhaps adopt an ‘Igbo candidate’ before party primaries, an ideal case of putting one’s cart before the horse.

The argument also bends towards having a one-party system, and without a doubt admonishes Igbo people to become intolerant and hostile towards the individual ambitions of their people. This is not all as the notion of Igbo unity in politics could be extended to accommodate whatever the propagators of this skewed concept mean.  The fact nonetheless, is that this is not the standard through which other ethnic nationalities are viewed in Nigeria by most Nigerians. Then also politics does not thrive on unity because in and of itself, politics is divisive. So there is no such thing as speaking with one political voice or acting in one political direction for people that belong to different political parties or for those in the same party but have different political interests.

Gen. Mohammadu Buhari contested against former President Musa Yar’Adua, both were candidates of the two major political parties, yet, it is not ‘Northern disunity’.

It gives great pleasure to observers and peddlers of this spurious narration on Igbo political disunity to point out just how political disagreement between Orji Uzor Kalu and Theodor Orji is a pointer to political disunity which negates Igbo people’s national aspiration. They allude to the disagreement between Peter Obi and Willie Obiano as a case of political disunity, that hinders the chances of Igbos in the national political contest. But when it gets to other regions, it is different. Gen. Mohammadu Buhari contested against former President Musa Yar’Adua, both were candidates of the two major political parties, yet, it is not ‘Northern disunity’. When Tinubu opposed former President Olusegun Obasanjo and both were locked in a long battle for the soul of Southwest politics, nobody called it ‘Yoruba disunity’. The Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi joined the opposition and fought former President Goodluck Jonathan and no one called it ‘South-South disunity or ‘Ijaw-Ikwere disunity’. In fact, Timi Sylva, President Goodluck’s own brother also joined forces with opposition and it is not ‘Ijaw disunity.’ Rotimi Amaechi fought Nyesom Wike to a telling point to stop him from returning to Rivers State Government House, but no one called it ‘Ikwere disunity’. However, Rochas Okorocha and Hope Uzodimma’s disagreement is a classical case of Igbo disunity in politics, which hampers the chances of Ndi Igbo in taking a shot at Nigeria’s Presidency.

In 2019, simply because Peter Obi was made Atiku Abubakar’s running mate, the Southeast gave Atiku remarkable support, but perhaps, because his nomination was questioned by two or three members of Southeast PDP; that is another case of Igbo disunity in politics. But even Tambuwal contested against Atiku in that same primary election and yet, it is not characterised as ‘Hausa or Fulani political disunity.’ Godswill Akpabio fought Emmanuel Udom with everything he has to stop him from being reelected as governor of Akwa Ibom State, despite fighting to make him governor in the previous election cycle. But this is not suggestive of any ethnic or people group disunity in politics. In Edo State, we are all witnesses to how Adams Oshiomole was cut to size by Godwin Obaseki whom he campaigned earlier to succeed him as governor of Edo State. The fight was the most remarkable in recent political memory. Yet, none of these emergency specialists on Igbo politics called that ‘Edo disunity’.

It is obvious that disagreements are part of politics. Opposition against the political ambition of individuals is guided by political interests, not by ethnic identity. No matter how advocates of Igbo disunity in politics may wish to present that false impression, evidence from across the country and elsewhere points to the fact that people are at liberty to pursue their political ambitions that is independent of their ethnic nationality and that politics is inherently divisive which naturally attracts opposition or support, either of which is determined by interests.

While others are expected to belong to different political parties, Igbos are expected to belong to a single political front and present a single political façade.

It is indeed disingenuous to talk of political unity, worst still when the standard for measuring such political unity applies only to Igbos. What is mere political disagreement for other ethnic nationalities in Nigeria is interpreted as disunity for the Igbos. While others are expected to belong to different political parties, Igbos are expected to belong to a single political front and present a single political façade. Meanwhile, former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Chief Falae can belong to the two major political parties and become their presidential candidates and it is not a sign of Yoruba political disunity, just as Former President Musa Yar Adua and President Mohammadu Buhari can become candidates of the two major political parties and it is not a case of Fulani political disunity.

Now, without the PDP or APC having picked a candidate for the 2023 presidential contest, people talk of the number of Igbos already expressing interest to contest the presidential election. Even though President Buhari contested the 2015 APC primary with Rabiu Kwankwaso and Atiku Abubakar, just as Atiku did in PDP with Bafarwa, Dankwambo, Kwankwaso, Lamido, Makarfi, Saraki, Tambuwal, in 2019. But it is now a sign of disunity for Orji Uzor Kalu to contest against David Umahi in APC or Anyim Pius to contest against Ohuawumba in PDP. Those who want to test Igbo unity should test it by giving Igbo man presidential ticket in the two major political parties or forming a formidable third force and then granting Prof. Kingsley Moghalu the presidential ticket of the third force. That is how to test the resolve of the Igbo to see if they are politically united, not offering baseless advice on how Igbos should put their political eggs in a single basket. Nobody does that!

In 2023, Igbo people will support one of their own who will emerge from a formidable political platform that stands a chance in the election. If this option is not available, then, they will align with any of their closest neighbours who have emerged from a party that stands a chance at winning. For now, every Igbo man or woman who is capable of contesting and winning the election should not delay in joining the contest. At least, if Igbo people will emerge candidates in PDP, APC, and third force, then, that will offer lessons on the Igbo man’s desire for excellence and fairness. The election will be about real issues and about the candidate who is most qualified and prepared for the job. This is what 2023 must be about. Igbos do not need to rally around one man to be able to win a presidential ticket or the Presidential election.

♦ Ebuka Onyekwelu, strategic governance exponent,  is a columnist with the WAP

 

Houston

Houston and Owerri Community Mourn the Passing of Beloved Icon, Lawrence Mike Obinna Anozie

Published

on

Houston was thrown into mourning on September 19, 2025, following the sudden passing of businessman and community advocate Lawrence Mike Obinna Anozie, who peacefully joined his ancestors. Immediate family member in Houston, Nick Anozie, confirmed his untimely death and expressed gratitude for the outpouring of love and condolences from both the Houston and Owerri communities.

Lawrence was born to Chief Alexander and Lolo Ether Anozie of Owerri in Imo State, Nigeria, and will be dearly remembered by family members, friends, and the entire Houston community.

An accomplished accountant, the late Lawrence incorporated and successfully managed three major companies: Universal Insurance Company, LLC, Universal Mortgage LLC, and Universal Financial Services. Through these enterprises, he not only built a thriving business career but also created opportunities for countless individuals to achieve financial stability. His contributions to entrepreneurship and community development will remain a lasting legacy.

According to the family, arrangements for his final funeral rites are in progress and will be announced in due course.

Lawrence will forever be remembered as a loving and compassionate man who dedicated much of his life to uplifting others. He helped countless young Nigerians and African Americans overcome economic challenges by providing mentorship, financial guidance, and career opportunities. His generosity touched the lives of many who otherwise might not have found their footing. A devout Catholic, he was unwavering in his faith and never missed Mass, drawing strength and inspiration from his church community. To those who knew him, Lawrence was not only a successful businessman but also a pillar of kindness, humility, and faith whose legacy of service and compassion will continue to inspire generations.

For more information, please contact Nick Anozie – 832-891-2213

Continue Reading

News

Enugu Revenue Leader Details Tax Plans, Commits to Responsible Fund Management

Published

on

In a bid to address rising public concerns and social media speculations about taxation in Enugu State, the Executive Chairman of the Enugu State Internal Revenue Service (ESIRS), Emmanuel Nnamani, has provided clarifications on the government’s tax policies. During a press briefing in Enugu, Nnamani dismissed what he described as “false and misleading claims” and reassured residents that the government’s fiscal operations are firmly rooted in law, transparency, and public good.

Clarifying Misinformation and Affirming Legality

Nnamani opened the session by stressing that no taxes or levies in Enugu State are imposed outside the provisions of the law. “Taxes and revenues in Enugu State remain within the limits of the law. We do not impose any levies outside what the law permits,” he stated, pointing to the Personal Income Tax Act (as amended) as the guiding legal framework.

He explained that the ESIRS collects personal income tax through two lawful means: Pay-As-You-Earn (PAYE) for those in formal employment, and Direct Assessment for informal sector workers. While compliance among salaried workers has been largely smooth, the agency sometimes employs legal enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance among self-employed individuals.

Formalising the Informal Sector

A key challenge, he noted, has been bringing the informal sector—especially market traders and transport operators—into the formal tax net. Upon assuming office, his administration discovered that an overwhelming 99% of informal sector actors were not remitting taxes to the state, largely due to the disruptive influence of non-state actors engaged in illegal collections.

In response, the government introduced a consolidated ₦36,000 annual levy for market traders. This amount, payable between January and March, covers all relevant state-level charges, including those by the Enugu State Waste Management Agency (ESWAMA), Enugu State Structures for Signage and Advertisement Agency (ENSSAA), storage fees, and business premises levies. “Once this amount is paid between January and March, the trader owes nothing else for that year,” Nnamani clarified. Traders who fail to pay by March 31 are subject to enforcement.

For street vendors operating outside structured markets, an annual levy of ₦30,000 applies, with ESWAMA charges handled separately. Transport operators such as Okada riders, Keke drivers, minibuses, tankers, and trucks pay via a daily ticketing system.

A Human-Faced Approach to Enforcement

Although the law allows for a 10% penalty on unpaid tax and an interest charge tied to the Central Bank’s Monetary Policy Rate of 27.5%, Nnamani disclosed that the state has adopted a softer, pro-business approach. Instead of the full punitive charges, a flat ₦3,000 penalty is applied in most informal sector cases to promote ease of doing business and encourage voluntary compliance.

Taxation and the Cost of Rent

Addressing growing concerns over rising rent, Nnamani rejected claims linking the trend to state tax policies. He described the issue as a national challenge influenced by supply and demand, rather than fiscal policy.

Citing personal experiences dating back to 2015, he observed that a shift in private development preference – from rental apartments to gated residential estates – has contributed to the housing squeeze. “If we had more high-rise buildings, rent would drop,” he noted. The state government, he added, is taking proactive steps through the Ministry of Housing and Housing Development Corporation to build mass housing and student hostels near institutions like ESUT and IMT, freeing up central city housing and helping moderate rents.

Technology, Transparency, and Trust

In line with its commitment to transparency and digital innovation, the ESIRS has launched a tax calculator on its official portal – www.irs.en.gov.ng – allowing residents to compute their taxes with ease and clarity. “This is about transparency and giving our people confidence,” he said, inviting residents to compare Enugu’s tools with those in more advanced states like Lagos.

Understanding the Cost of Development

Responding to concerns that Enugu has become one of Nigeria’s most expensive states, Nnamani acknowledged the perception but clarified that the temporary inflation is largely demand-driven. With Enugu undertaking widespread infrastructural renewal – including smart schools, primary health centres, and hospitality infrastructure – the surge in construction activity has led to increased demand for building materials like granite and rods, which are sourced from other states.

“Once these projects are completed, demand will drop, and prices will stabilise,” he assured. He emphasised that the projects are visible testaments to what taxpayers’ money can achieve when properly managed.

A Call for Mutual Understanding and Civic Partnership

More than a tax clarification, Nnamani’s address served as a reminder of the symbiotic relationship between citizens and government. He appealed for public understanding, noting that when citizens fulfil their tax obligations, the government can, in turn, provide essential services and infrastructure that uplift everyone.

His message was clear: responsible taxation, managed transparently and invested wisely, is the bedrock of sustainable development. From roads to schools and healthcare to housing, Enugu State is demonstrating how taxpayers’ money, when efficiently deployed, can improve lives and build the future.

Continue Reading

Column

The Leadership Deficit: Why African Governance Lacks Philosophical Grounding

Published

on

Leadership across nations is shaped not only by policies but by the quality of the individuals at the helm. History has shown that the most transformative leaders often draw from deep wells of ethical, philosophical, and strategic thought. Yet, in many African countries—and Nigeria in particular—there appears to be a crisis in the kind of men elevated to govern. This deficit is not merely political; it is intellectual, philosophical, and deeply structural.

There is a compelling correlation between the absence of foundational wisdom and the type of leaders Nigeria consistently produces. Compared to their counterparts in other parts of the world, Nigerian leaders often appear fundamentally unprepared to govern societies in ways that foster justice, progress, or stability.

Consider the Middle East—nations like the UAE and Qatar—where governance is often rooted in Islamic principles. While these societies are not without flaws, their leaders have harnessed religious teachings as frameworks for nation-building, modern infrastructure, and citizen welfare. Ironically, many of Nigeria’s military and political leaders also profess Islam, yet the application of its ethical standards in public governance is nearly non-existent. This raises a troubling question: is the practice of religion in African politics largely symbolic, devoid of actionable moral guidance?

Take China as another case study. In the last four decades, China’s leadership has lifted over 800 million people out of poverty—an unprecedented feat in human history. While authoritarian in structure, China’s model demonstrates a deep philosophical commitment to collective progress, discipline, and strategic long-term planning. In Western democracies, especially post-World War II, leaders often emerged with strong academic backgrounds in philosophy, economics, or history—disciplines that sharpen the mind and cultivate vision.

In stark contrast, African leaders—particularly in Nigeria—are more often preoccupied with short-term political survival than long-term national transformation. Their legacy is frequently one of mismanagement, unsustainable debt, and structural decay. Nigeria, for example, has accumulated foreign loans that could take generations to repay, yet there is little visible infrastructure or social development to justify such liabilities. Inflation erodes wages, and basic public services remain in collapse. This cycle repeats because those in power often lack not just technical competence, but the moral and intellectual depth to lead a modern nation.

At the heart of the crisis is a lack of philosophical inquiry. Philosophy teaches reasoning, ethics, and the nature of justice—skills that are essential for public leadership. Nigerian leaders, by and large, are disconnected from such traditions. Many have never seriously engaged with political theory, ethical discourse, or economic philosophy. Without this grounding, leadership becomes a matter of brute power, not enlightened governance.

The crisis of leadership in Africa is not solely one of corruption or bad policy—it is one of intellectual emptiness. Until African nations, especially Nigeria, begin to value and cultivate leaders who are intellectually rigorous and philosophically grounded, the continent will remain caught in cycles of poverty and poor governance. True leadership requires more than charisma or military rank—it demands the wisdom to govern a society with justice, vision, and moral clarity. Without this, the future remains perilously fragile.

♦ Dominic Ikeogu is a social and political commentator based in Minneapolis, USA.

Continue Reading

Trending