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Matt Gaetz Under Investigation Over Possible Sex Trafficking

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5 years ago

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Representative Matt Gaetz, Republican of Florida and a close ally of former President Donald J. Trump, is being investigated by the Justice Department over whether he had a sexual relationship with a 17-year-old and paid for her to travel with him, according to three people briefed on the matter, NY Times reports: 

 

© Erin Schaff/The New York Times The investigation into Representative Matt Gaetz, Republican of Florida, was opened in the final months of the Trump administration under Attorney General William P. Barr.

Investigators are examining whether Mr. Gaetz violated federal sex trafficking laws, the people said. A variety of federal statutes make it illegal to induce someone under 18 to travel over state lines to engage in sex in exchange for money or something of value. The Justice Department regularly prosecutes such cases, and offenders often receive severe sentences.

© Erin Schaff/The New York Times Mr. Gaetz was one of several Republicans who went into secure rooms to briefly disrupt the first impeachment investigation into President Donald J. Trump.

It was not clear how Mr. Gaetz met the girl, believed to be 17 at the time of encounters about two years ago that investigators are scrutinizing, according to two of the people.The investigation was opened in the final months of the Trump administration under Attorney General William P. Barr, the two people said. Given Mr. Gaetz’s national profile, senior Justice Department officials in Washington — including some appointed by Mr. Trump — were notified of the investigation, the people said.The three people said that the examination of Mr. Gaetz, 38, is part of a broader investigation into a political ally of his, a local official in Florida named Joel Greenberg, who was indicted last summer on an array of charges, including sex trafficking of a child and financially supporting people in exchange for sex, at least one of whom was an underage girl.Mr. Greenberg, who has since resigned his post as tax collector in Seminole County, north of Orlando, visited the White House with Mr. Gaetz in 2019, according to a photograph that Mr. Greenberg posted on Twitter.No charges have been brought against Mr. Gaetz, and the extent of his criminal exposure is unclear.Mr. Gaetz said in an interview that his lawyers had been in touch with the Justice Department and that they were told he was the subject, not the target, of an investigation. “I only know that it has to do with women,” Mr. Gaetz said. “I have a suspicion that someone is trying to recategorize my generosity to ex-girlfriends as something more untoward.”Mr. Gaetz called the investigation part of an elaborate scheme involving “false sex allegations” to extort him and his family for $25 million that began this month. He said he and his father, Don Gaetz, had been cooperating with the F.B.I. and “wearing a wire” after they were approached by people saying they could make the investigation “go away.”

In a second interview later Tuesday, the congressman said he had no plans to resign his House seat and denied that he had romantic relationships with minors. “It is verifiably false that I have traveled with a 17-year-old woman,” he said.

Representatives for the Justice Department and the F.B.I. declined to comment, as did a spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney’s office in Central Florida.

Mr. Greenberg pleaded not guilty last year and was sent to jail this month for violating the terms of his bail. He is scheduled to go on trial in June in Orlando.

A frequent presence on Fox News and other conservative media, Mr. Gaetz has recently mused with confidants about quitting elected politics and taking a full-time job with the conservative television channel Newsmax or another network, according to a person familiar with the conversations. Axios first reported on Tuesday that Mr. Gaetz was considering leaving Congress.

Mr. Greenberg maintained ties to controversial figures who have supported Mr. Trump, an examination of court records, social media posts and far-right websites showed. A website run by a member of the far-right group the Proud Boys and a network of fake social media accounts linked to Mr. Trump’s longtime political adviser Roger J. Stone Jr. have promoted false accusations about Mr. Greenberg’s rivals similar to rumors that prosecutors accused Mr. Greenberg of secretly trying to spread.

It was not clear how Mr. Greenberg knew either Mr. Gaetz or Mr. Stone. He posted a selfie with both in 2017, tweeting, “Great catching up.” The following year, Mr. Gaetz expressed support for Mr. Greenberg’s successful bid for local office, predicting he would someday make a great member of Congress.

On Capitol Hill, Mr. Gaetz has embraced the role of villain to the left as much as he has served as one of Mr. Trump’s staunchest defenders and enablers, often with theatrical flair. He wore a gas mask on the House floor last year in the early days of the pandemic, insisting he was demonstrating concern for public safety amid accusations he was mocking the seriousness of the spread of the coronavirus.

Mr. Gaetz was first elected to Congress in 2016. As a member of the Florida State Legislature and the scion of a Republican political family, he had initially backed former Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida in the Republican presidential primary that year before hitching his political fortunes to Mr. Trump.

It paid off. He won a seat in Congress representing part of the Florida Panhandle, and as one of Mr. Trump’s most flamboyant supporters on Capitol Hill and on cable television, his profile skyrocketed.

Mr. Gaetz invited a right-wing Holocaust skeptic to the State of the Union address in 2018, and attended an event last year where he said the Proud Boys had provided security, though he has distanced himself from the group on his podcast. When Democrats moved in 2019 to impeach Mr. Trump for the first time, Mr. Gaetz and a phalanx of Republicans following him barged past Capitol Police into the secure rooms of the House Intelligence Committee to briefly break up the investigation into the president.

After Mr. Trump’s defeat last year, Mr. Gaetz once again rallied to his side, defending the president’s baseless claims of widespread election fraud. Mr. Gaetz helped organize efforts among lawmakers to challenge President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory during Congress’s certification of it on Jan. 6 that was disrupted for hours by a pro-Trump mob that stormed the Capitol. Mr. Gaetz later traveled to Wyoming to hold a rally against Representative Liz Cheney, a Republican leader who had voted to impeach Mr. Trump for inciting the riot.

In 2017, Mr. Gaetz was the only member of Congress to vote against a law that gave the federal government more power and money to fight human trafficking.

“Voters in Northwest Florida did not send me to Washington to go and create more federal government,” Mr. Gaetz said in a local television interview at the time. “If anything, we should be abolishing a lot of the agencies at the federal level.”

Mr. Gaetz’s personal life has gained attention before. Last summer, he announced that he had a son, Nestor Galban, 19, though Mr. Gaetz said he was not Mr. Galban’s biological father, nor had he adopted him. Mr. Galban had been 12 when they met and had come to the United States from Cuba; Mr. Gaetz was at the time dating Mr. Galban’s sister.

“He is a part of my family story,” Mr. Gaetz told People magazine in June. “My work with Nestor, our family, no element of my public service could compare to the joy that our family has brought me.”

Mr. Gaetz is now engaged to an analyst named Ginger Luckey, 26, whom he proposed to at Mr. Trump’s Mar-a-Lago club on Dec. 30.

It was unclear how investigators in the Greenberg case began examining Mr. Gaetz’s conduct. Last June, federal prosecutors secured an indictment against Mr. Greenberg, accusing him of stalking a political rival.

Around that time, federal authorities seized Mr. Greenberg’s phone and laptop, according to court records. They discovered evidence that Mr. Greenberg, whose job responsibilities included issuing licenses, was creating fake identification cards for himself and a teenage girl, and was experimenting with holograms used on permits for concealed firearms, according to court documents.

Two months later, he was indicted on the sex trafficking charge. From May to November 2017, prosecutors said, Mr. Greenberg targeted the girl, who was between 14 and 17, saying he “recruited” and “solicited” her for sex acts in exchange for unspecified perks or favors.

Mr. Greenberg worked in advertising before running successfully at the age of 31 in 2016 for tax collector in Seminole County.

Within days of taking office, he fired three employees who had supported his predecessor and began spending more than $1.5 million in taxpayer money on personal expenses, including guns, ammunition, body armor and a drone, as well as on computers for his own cryptocurrency venture, a county audit later revealed.

The following year, according to The Orlando Sentinel, Mr. Greenberg posted a photograph of himself on social media with Milo Yiannopoulos, a right-wing personality who has a history of making racist remarks. The newspaper also detailed Mr. Greenberg’s own misogynist and anti-Muslim comments on Facebook.

In his bid for re-election, Mr. Greenberg turned in late 2019 to clandestine tactics to undermine a possible rival, according to court papers. Prosecutors said he sent an anonymous letter to the school where one potential candidate worked that made unfounded accusations of sexual misconduct with a student and making similar claims on a fake Facebook account.

As the primary race intensified last summer, similar messaging began appearing on fake social media accounts that have been tied to Mr. Stone.

“Watch out Seminole county,” said someone named April Goad on Facebook, warning Floridians “don’t open your door” to the rival candidate, according to Graphika, a company that specializes in analyzing social media.

The post linked to an article about the rival published on Central Florida Post, a website controlled by Mr. Stone’s associates that had written favorable articles about Mr. Greenberg. The website was founded by a member of the Proud Boys who has been linked to security providers for Mr. Stone on Jan. 6 in Washington in the lead-up to the insurrection at the Capitol.

Mr. Greenberg’s re-election efforts quickly evaporated when he was first indicted last June, and he resigned a day later.

Culled from the NY Times

 

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Community

Wazobia Family Funfair AT 10 – Decade of Family, Culture, and Community

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2 weeks ago

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June 8, 2026

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On July 25, 2026, families from across Houston will gather at the West Oaks Mall on 1000 West Oaks, Houston, to celebrate a milestone that extends far beyond food, music, and entertainment. The 10th Anniversary of the Wazobia Family Funfair represents a decade-long journey of community building, cultural preservation, entrepreneurship, and family-centered engagement.

What began as a customer appreciation initiative has evolved into one of the most recognizable African community events in Texas. For ten years, the Funfair has provided a space where families reconnect with culture, children experience heritage, entrepreneurs build relationships, and communities strengthen the bonds that define them.

The story of the anniversary begins with the story of Wazobia itself. Founded in 2013 by entrepreneur Tunde Fashina, Wazobia was created with a vision that stretched beyond commerce. According to Fashina, the goal was never simply to sell products.

FASHINA, OHAZURIKE: For Fashina, leadership carries responsibility. “The feeling is fantastic because you’ve achieved something,” he explained. “But it is also frightening because every decision affects many people.” He added: “The higher you are in an organization, the more people are affected by your decisions.” Those values influence the company’s culture and community engagement efforts.

“The emphasis was not more on getting the products,” he explained. “The emphasis was on creating a feeling of belonging to the customer, so that they feel at home any time they come to our place.”

That philosophy became the foundation of the business. Fashina spent nearly two years developing the business plan. The challenge was enormous. He had limited financial resources and relied heavily on relationships, determination, and faith.

“The business plan had to involve getting this business up with absolutely no money, because I didn’t have any,” he recalled.

The early years tested every aspect of his resolve. He performed multiple roles simultaneously.

“I was a cleaner. I was a restocker. I was a cashier. I did all the work,” he said. “I slept in the shop throughout for almost 18 months because I was working around the clock.”

Despite the challenges, growth came quickly.

“God showed up in ways that I could not describe,” Fashina said. “People started coming in little by little, and the growth rate exceeded everything in the business plan.”

Yet even as the company expanded, community remained central to the mission. “We created a sub-plan,” he explained. “How do we give back to those who built us? How do we let our customers know that we appreciate them?”

The answer became what is now known as the Wazobia Family Funfair.

 

 

Over the years, the event evolved from a modest appreciation day into a major annual celebration featuring cultural performances, African music, dance, games, food vendors, business showcases, and family activities.

For Paula Ohazurike, Project Manager at Wazobia, the event represents much more than an annual gathering. Her experience since she joined Wazobia reflects a recurring theme in conversations with employees and customers: Wazobia is viewed not merely as a business but as a community institution.

That philosophy is visible in the Family Funfair. The event creates a rare space where generations come together. Children born in America are introduced to African traditions through music, dance, language, fashion, and food. Parents and grandparents reconnect with memories of home while sharing those experiences with younger family members.

In a city as diverse as Houston, such gatherings carry significant cultural value. Houston is home to one of the largest African immigrant populations in the United States. Yet many families often struggle to maintain cultural connections while navigating modern American life. Events like the Wazobia Family Funfair help bridge that gap.

The significance of the Funfair extends beyond cultural preservation. It serves as a platform for economic empowerment. Small businesses, vendors, artists, and service providers use the event to connect with potential customers. Community organizations engage residents. Entrepreneurs build networks. Relationships formed during the event often extend throughout the year.

According to Ohazurike, the event has become one of the most effective community-engagement platforms within Houston’s African diaspora. The atmosphere itself reflects the spirit of family. Children enjoy games, bounce houses, and face painting. Families participate in contests and group activities. Music fills the air. Food vendors showcase culinary traditions from across Africa.

The result is an experience that feels both festive and deeply personal. Fashina believes that sense of belonging remains the event’s greatest achievement. “There is no reason for us not to provide an environment that people can be proud of,” he said. “A place where they can bring their friends and enjoy themselves.”

 

 

That vision continues to guide the organization. Today, Wazobia has expanded significantly, operating multiple locations and employing approximately 250 people. “It is something we are immensely proud of,” Fashina noted. “But this is only the beginning.” Growth, however, is measured by more than financial success.

For Fashina, leadership carries responsibility. “The feeling is fantastic because you’ve achieved something,” he explained. “But it is also frightening because every decision affects many people.” He added: “The higher you are in an organization, the more people are affected by your decisions.” Those values influence the company’s culture and community engagement efforts.

The Family Funfair embodies that philosophy by bringing people together in ways that strengthen relationships and encourage collective progress. Perhaps that is why the event has endured for ten years. Many community events emerge with enthusiasm but struggle to survive. Sustaining a large-scale annual celebration requires trust, consistency, and a genuine commitment to service. The Wazobia Family Funfair has achieved that longevity because it has remained focused on people.

Over the past decade, families have returned year after year. Children who attended the first Funfair now return as young adults. New immigrants have found friendships and support systems. Businesses have launched partnerships. Countless memories have been created.

 

 

The anniversary therefore represents more than a milestone date on a calendar; it represents ten years of shared experiences; ten years of preserving culture; ten years of supporting businesses; ten years of strengthening families; and ten years of building community.

As Houston prepares for the 2026 celebration, organizers are looking toward the future while honoring the past. For Ohazurike, the mission remains simple. “We want people to feel welcome,” she said. “We want families to come together and create memories.”
For Fashina, the broader vision remains rooted in possibility. “We can do it,” he said. “We just have to have a goal in mind and take it one step at a time.”

Those words capture the spirit of the Wazobia Family Funfair. At its heart, the event is not simply a festival. It is a living expression of community resilience, cultural pride, and family unity. It demonstrates how a business can become a community anchor. It illustrates how relationships can create opportunities. It reminds us that culture thrives when it is shared. Ten years after its inception, the Wazobia Family Funfair continues to embody the meaning of its name—an invitation for everyone to come together.

In a world increasingly defined by division and isolation, that invitation may be more important than ever. And as families gather once again this July, they will celebrate more than an anniversary. They will celebrate a decade of belonging.

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Column

From Noise to Votes: Nigerian Youth Must Turn Online Fire into Electoral Power

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3 weeks ago

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June 1, 2026

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Young Nigerians have shown a remarkable ability to create waves in the digital space. With a single click, they can expose a politician’s corruption, rally tens of thousands of supporters behind a single hashtag, and keep every political actor on edge from dawn until dusk. However, as the 2027 general elections draw closer, it is time to face an uncomfortable truth: loud online noise isn’t the same as real power in the political sphere. If Nigerian youth wish to get the best possible leadership from their nation’s leaders, they need to take their online activity offline (i.e., to places where actual democracy occurs) and start showing up to cast votes.

There is simply too much evidence to ignore that this needs to occur. Nigeria is a young country demographically. Together, Gen Z and Millennials comprise approximately half of the total population—50.1 percent—according to IntelPoint. Gen Z makes up 25.8 percent and Millennials account for 24.3 percent. When we consider Gen Alpha, the percentage rises to 85.7% of the population under 44. According to ActionAid Nigeria, more than 60% of Nigeria’s population is under 30. According to Afrobarometer, Nigeria has a median age of 18.1 years, and 58% of its population is aged 0-29. Therefore, Nigeria isn’t merely a young country; it is a country dominated by young people.

Based on this information, this dominant demographic should wield considerable political influence. Unfortunately, there often appears to be little correlation between these statistics and political influence. The contrast is striking. While a majority of Nigeria’s population is young, there remains a significant gap between how influential young people are politically and how influential they could be. This lack of influence is not due to a lack of ability among young people; rather, it stems from many young people stopping short of completing what is often called the “civic journey,” which involves moving from awareness to action. They consume politics, engage in political debate on social media, participate in meme politics, and express frustration with politics through social media rants; however, many young people still fail to register to vote (PVCs) or participate in elections in sufficient numbers to affect the outcome.

This disparity is important because youth dissatisfaction is far from abstract. More than 23% of Nigerian youth report being unemployed or seeking employment, according to Afrobarometer. Additionally, more than two-thirds of youth aged 18 to 35 report having some form of postsecondary or secondary-level education. Despite Nigeria ranking among the lowest in providing employment and opportunities for youth, and despite identifying high costs of living, unemployment, crime and security concerns, poverty, poor economic management practices, and insufficient access to electricity as the top five issues requiring immediate attention from government officials, youth dissatisfaction cannot be considered indifferent. Rather, youth dissatisfaction reflects citizens’ grievances and legitimate reasons to be deeply interested in who governs their country.

However, mere interest alone will not suffice. Democracy does not reward passion without participation. A young person can identify every weakness inherent in a political system; however, unless that person participates by casting a vote, they will remain a spectator to their own future. If you are mature enough to understand concepts such as inflation, insecurity, broken campaign promises, unemployment rates, and poorly managed governance systems, you are mature enough to accept responsibility for your role in creating solutions to those problems. That responsibility begins with voting.

In addition to continuing to use social media to raise awareness of voter registration, election knowledge, fact-checking mechanisms used during elections, and peaceful participation methods, social media can also serve as a vehicle for facilitating the transition from social media activism to actual civic engagement. Young Nigerians should leverage their social media presence to encourage voter registration, promote election literacy programs, provide fact-checking services to counter election misinformation, and advocate for nonviolent participation throughout the electoral cycle. They should convert their social media timelines into civic classrooms. Where can I find the information I need about voter registration processes? Where is my assigned polling station located? Where do I receive my Permanent Voter Card? How do I protect myself from spreading misinformation? How do I properly monitor election results? These are not dull topics; they represent essential tools required for surviving democracy.

Youth organizations, creators, and social media entities can also help facilitate offline civic engagement. Use your WhatsApp groups to alert others as registration deadlines approach. Use X Spaces and Instagram Live to focus on discussing relevant issues rather than hurling insults. Use TikTok to simplify the voting process. Use Facebook to motivate family members and first-time voters to participate in elections. Use whatever platforms are available to make civic obligation contagious. Nigeria’s youth have shown they can create viral content. Now they must begin to generate participation on a viral scale.

One of the most damaging myths in Nigerian politics is that “your vote doesn’t matter.” It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that only serves the interests of cynics, crooks, and machines whose success depends solely on low turnout. Yes, Nigeria’s electoral process has flaws. Yes, there have been numerous disappointments. However, the response to a flawed democracy is not abandonment; it is increased participation. By staying home on Election Day, youth essentially give their votes — and therefore control — directly to the very same groups they loathe.

Another mythological excuse for the youth’s failure to vote in Nigeria is the claim that “all politicians are alike.” No — they’re not all the same. While some politicians are inept, others are corrupt, and others exhibit both characteristics, democracy is not about seeking holy men or women; it is about making selections and enforcing accountability. An individual who refuses to make a selection for office because none of the options appear acceptable is ultimately selecting the candidate most likely to emerge victorious by default.

Nigeria’s youth already constitute the country’s largest demographic group. It is time for them to become its strongest democratic force as well. However, that will not be achieved by trending hashtags alone. Instead, it will be achieved when online energy is harnessed and directed toward political organization, civic education, voter registration, increasing voter turnout, and holding elected representatives accountable after elections.

The 2023 election saw remarkable youth participation but lacked follow-up. Therefore, the 2027 election should not produce another generation of disillusioned observers; instead, it should yield a new generation of participatory citizens. Let online flames ignite electoral power. Let debates become ballots. Let criticism evolve into participation. If Nigerian youth can dominate social media, they can also dominate democracy. The future will not be handed to them in a retweet. They must elect it into existence.

_________

♦ Chris Ulasi is on the Editorial Board of The West African Pilot News. He contributes stories about culture and tradition, elite politics, ethnicity and national integration, civil society, and social movement. He is a university professor, community builder, poet, film producer, recording the emergent Nollywood cultural history through film.

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Education

TSU’s CommWeek Positions School of Communication at the Forefront of AI, Innovation, and Student Success

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3 months ago

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April 7, 2026

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HOUSTON, TX — Texas Southern University’s School of Communication is set to host its 44th Annual Media and Communication Conference (CommWeek 2026) from April 6–10 at the Martin Luther King Jr. Building, bringing together a dynamic mix of scholars, students, industry professionals, and civic leaders to examine the future of media in an increasingly digital and AI-driven world.

Widely regarded as one of the School’s signature academic and professional events, CommWeek has evolved into a powerful platform for intellectual exchange, industry engagement, and student-centered learning. This year’s theme, “Beyond the Algorithm: Reimagining Media, Learning & Innovation with AI,” reflects the growing influence of artificial intelligence across journalism, entertainment, digital storytelling, and communication education.

Throughout the week, participants will engage in a series of panels, workshops, masterclasses, and networking sessions designed to explore how emerging technologies are reshaping media ecosystems. Discussions will address critical topics such as AI-driven content creation, ethical considerations in automated communication, evolving media business models, and the future of audience engagement.

According to Interim Dean Dr. Alan K. Caldwell, CommWeek represents a strategic opportunity to elevate the School’s academic and professional profile.

“Communication Week represents more than a conference; it is a powerful platform to strengthen the School of Communication’s brand, showcase the excellence of our students and faculty, and highlight the innovative work happening across our programs,” Caldwell said. “By bringing together industry leaders, scholars, and alumni, we create collaborative connections that position our school as a hub for forward-thinking communication education.”

Conference Chair Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo (left) and Interim Dean Dr. Alan K. Caldwell: CommWeek has evolved into a powerful platform for intellectual exchange, industry engagement, and student-centered learning.

In addition to its academic significance, CommWeek plays a vital role in advancing student success. A key highlight of the conference is the Dean’s Banquet and Scholarship Awards, which raises funds to support academically talented and financially underserved students. These scholarships help reduce financial barriers, cover tuition and educational resources, and improve student retention and graduation outcomes.

For Conference Chair Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo, CommWeek 2026 represents both a continuation of tradition and a bold step toward the future of communication education.

“CommWeek is where scholarship meets practice and where innovation becomes accessible,” Ogbo said. “This conference is not only about examining the future of media—it is about preparing our students to lead it. By integrating academic rigor with industry insight, we are building a platform that empowers our students, strengthens our institutional identity, and fosters meaningful collaborations that extend far beyond the classroom.”

The conference also emphasizes experiential learning, offering students direct access to industry professionals, hands-on workshops, and career development opportunities. These interactions provide invaluable exposure to real-world practices and help bridge the gap between academic training and professional application.

As a historically Black university with a long-standing commitment to cultural responsiveness and community impact, Texas Southern University continues to position its School of Communication as a leader in preparing students for both local and global media landscapes. CommWeek reinforces this mission by creating an inclusive space where diverse voices, perspectives, and ideas can thrive.

Open to students, alumni, and the broader community, CommWeek 2026 is free to attend and serves as a testament to TSU’s commitment to accessibility, innovation, and academic excellence.

For more information and the full conference schedule, visit www.soc-commweek.com.

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