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Presidency Flaunts Projects, Jinxes Broken By PMB

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The presidency has listed the several jinxes broken President Muhammadu Buhari, describing the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) first net profit in the 44-year history of the NNPC.

President Buhari, who doubles as the minister for petroleum resources, recently announced the first-ever profit of N287 billion by the corporation.
Presidential spokesman Femi Adesina in a statement he issued said that was by no means the only major jinx broken in the lifetime of the administration.
According to him, the list includes policies and legislation such as the “Petroleum Industry Bill signed into law in 2021, after almost two decades in the works. It is aimed at reforming a Petroleum Act dating back to 1969, as well as other supplementary laws and regulations.

“Deep Offshore and Inland Basin (Production Sharing Contracts) Act, 2019, amended for the first time since 1993.
“More than $6 billion of inherited cash call arrears are now being cleared by the Buhari administration, since 2016. More than $3 billion of the arrears (payments due to International Oil Companies) have since been paid.

“The Buhari administration has overseen the first successful marginal fields bid round in almost 20 years. The Buhari administration has launched the first National Social Investment Programme in the country’s history. Today, it is the largest social investment programme in Africa and one of the largest in the world,” he said.

There is also the restoration of the federal budget to a January-to-December cycle, after more than a decade, adding that “the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) was established in 2011, and for its first seven years did not have an enabling Act of the National Assembly – until 2018 when President Buhari assented to the NCDC Act.“

Adesina also cited the Nigeria Police Act, 2020, the first overhaul of the Police Act since it was originally enacted in 1943.
Similarly, the Nigeria Correctional Service Act, 2019 – overhauled the existing Prisons Act, almost 50 years after it was first enacted.
“Finance Acts 2019 and 2020 – the first time ever that Federal Budgets are being accompanied by dedicated and specific reform legislation, to support implementation.

“Suppression of Piracy and Other Maritime Offences Bill (SPOMO), 2019: The first of its kind in the entire Gulf of Guinea, dedicated to prosecuting maritime offences.

“Police Trust Fund Act, 2019: First-ever legislation dedicated to addressing the financing of the Police Force
“CAMA, 2020 – the first overhaul of the Company and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) in 30 years.

“Discrimination Against Persons With Disabilities (Prohibition) Act, 2018, another unprecedented piece of legislation in Nigeria.

“Treasury Single Account (TSA) started in 2012, expanded across the entire government by President Buhari,” he said.

He said the Itakpe-Warri Rail Line, started in 1987, abandoned for decades, was completed in 2020

“Completion of four-standard gauge railway projects between 2016 and 2021: Abuja-Kaduna Rail Line, Abuja Metro Line, Itakpe-Warri Rail Line and Lagos-Ibadan Rail Line.”

Adesina said President Buhari is the first Nigerian president to start and complete a rail project in Nigeria’s history (Lagos-Ibadan Rail).

“The last NLNG Train project (Train 6) was completed in 2008. President Buhari has successfully flagged off Train 7 construction.

“Apapa-Oshodi-Oworonshoki Expressway, undergoing full reconstruction for the first time since it was constructed in the late 1970s.

“Bodo-Bonny Bridges and Road: Construction finally kicked off in 2017, after several decades of planning, and three false starts.

“The long-awaited Ogoni Clean-Up kicked off under the Buhari Administration.

“The Nigerian Navy has this year (2021) acquired its first new Landing Ship Tank (LST) in more than 40 years.

“The Nigerian Air Force has enjoyed the largest investment in fleet renewal in decades, under President Buhari, acquiring more than two-dozen new aircraft since 2016.

“Construction of the first full-scale private refinery and the first privately financed Deep Sea Port in Nigeria’s history both started under President Buhari’s watch.

“Only one modular refinery in the country pre-2016. Since 2018, there have been several either under construction or already completed.

“Maritime University, Delta State, licensed by the NUC and operationalised in 2018,” he said.

Others, according to him, are “Completion since 2016, of 12 inherited dam projects across the country: Kashimbila Multipurpose Dam, Taraba; Ogwashi-Uku Multipurpose Dam, Delta; Adada Dam, Enugu; Sulma Earth Dam, Katsina; Gimi Earth Dam, Kaduna; Amla-Otukpo Dam, Benue; Amauzari Earth Dam, Imo; Ibiono-Ibom Earth Dam, Akwa Ibom; Gadau/Lafia Zigau Dam, Bauchi; Alajue Small Earth Dam, Osun; Kampe Omi Dam, Kogi (Rehabilitation) and Kargo Dam, Kaduna (Rehabilitation)

“Completion of three inherited hydropower projects, accounting for more than 100MW of electricity in total: Gurara Hydropower Project, 30MW, Kaduna State – completed and concessioned in 2020; Kashimbila Hydropower Project, 40MW, Taraba, Dadin-Kowa Hydropower Project, 40MW, Gombe.

“Completion, since 2016, of seven inherited Irrigation projects and 30 Water Supply Projects inherited by the Administration, including the Central Ogbia Regional Water Supply Project in Bayelsa State, Northern Ishan Regional Water Supply Project and the Ojirami Dam Water Supply Scheme and Reticulation Network, both in Edo State; Sabke, Dutsi and Mashi Water Supply Project in Katsina State; Vom Water Supply Project and Mangu Regional Water Supply Scheme in Plateau State; Takum Water Supply Project in Taraba State; Gambaki/Chinade/Hardawa/Bulkachuwa Water Supply Project in Bauchi State; Inyishi Regional Water Supply Project in Imo State; Ilobu Water Supply Scheme and Osogbo Water Supply Scheme in Osun State; Idanre Water Supply Project in Ondo State; Ofeme Water Supply Project in Abia State; Uburu Water Supply Scheme in Ebonyi State; Gashua Water Supply Scheme in Yobe State; Kwami Gadam and Bojude Water Supply Project in Gombe State; the Saki Town Water Supply Project, Oyo State; and the Zobe and Kazaure Water Supply Projects in Katsina and Jigawa States respectively.

“NDDC HQ Complex, started in the mid-1990s, completed in 2021.

“EFCC HQ Complex, construction started in 2011, completed in 2018.

“Zik Mausoleum, started in 1996, completed and commissioned in 2018,” the presidential aide said.

Culled from the Leadership News Nigeria

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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