Anthony Obi Ogbo
The shame of amoral witchery: Obasanjo’s abuse of elder statesmanship
He led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang of dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption.
Eldership is not a position but a legacy of great sagacity. It is a title earned through the ability to influence subordinates through knowledge, sheer experience, understanding, unequivocal judgements, and commonsense. The core values of elder statesmanship are not just built on age, but grounded in virtues synchronized with ethics and kind-heartedness.
In other words, it is fair to say that a former South African president, Nelson Mandela was an elder statesman. This clarification is necessary for most individuals or perhaps analysts who would erroneously refer to every aged politician or community leader as elder statesman with the least consideration of the values each of them live.
A former Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo is one of such politicians unknown by those who followed his political choices and actions. For clarity, Pa Obasanjo is an 82-old senior who has ruled Nigeria twice – as a civilian and once a military junta, and who still has not giving up his hunger for absolute power. From 2007 when he concluded his service as his nation’s civilian leader, this man has not given up his drunkenness for power and public resources, rather, he had pervaded the political system in the most twisted manner; destroyed younger politicians who would not partake in his treachery and bullied others who still worshipped him like a demigod.
As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.”
But among almost a thousand descriptions of this former President by those who claimed they knew him, only his daughter, Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo has rendered his portrait with unimpeachable accuracy. One good thing about women is that they can tell their own blood better without forensic evidence. Hence, Iyabo knew her dad in-and-out, describing him as a “narcissistic megalomaniac personality” who would always “accuse someone else of what he so obviously practice.”
As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.” This was in 2013.
Also, it may be recalled that in 2008, Pa Obasanjo’s own son, Gbenga, in an affidavit following a messy divorce case with his wife, Mojisola, accused this former president of having sex with his wife as an exchange for government contracts. I do not mean to dig up these issues about Pa Obasanjo, but his tenacious underhanded advances into Nigeria’s leadership system, from regime-to-regime, necessitate making a few references of his ramshackle credibility and deceitful claims of eldership.
But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed.
After his presidency tenure, when he became the chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Obasanjo handled his business selfishly, and mean-heartedly split his party into political in-groups. He created diminutive rebellious factions and positioned them to fight each other. After the aged leader was done, he cunningly resigned from his party’s top leadership position in 2012, claiming that he wanted to fulfill his duties as a statesman locally and internationally.
But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed. But the major reason behind these ugly advances was because President Jonathan rightfully adopted a governance process that sidestepped Obasabjo’s despotic influence and selfish political demands – a culture of appointing political leaders for elective offices behind closed doors – telling candidates when to run and when not to run for offices; and controlling all government offices like a flat screen with the remote.
So, with the aforementioned thesis of the evils of his political witchery, why would Obasanjo be trusted with policy-making thoughts and reflections? Earlier this week, he published another letter – a crafted fiction of mass-destruction which he addressed to President Buhari, warning that “Nigeria is on the precipice and dangerously reaching a tipping point where it may no longer be possible to hold danger at bay.” What nonsense!
In Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives.
With Obasanjo’s injurious influence, the issue becomes conceivable, on why any electorate who wants peace, progress, and unity in Nigeria would accord him any attention. Besides these controversial letters where he would usually fabricate allegations to throw his country into chaos, Obasanjo has consistently made damaging comments to ensure a failure of any regime that scorns his dubious advances. For instance, in Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives.
Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang of dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.
Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians. Today, most of Obasanjo’s “students” are still within the boundaries of policy-making caucus, causing havoc in the system.
But for Nigerians who still play the Russian roulette with their national unity, it must be noted that this region endured thousands of lives, punitive decrees, never-ending transition processes, absurd economic programs, and spiritual interventions to finally expunge the junta virus from their governmental system. Letters of Obasanjo therefore remain a dangerous option to sustaining this democracy. Finally, please note that Obasanjo is a choice not a constitutional obligation – therefore you may follow him at your own risk.
♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
“Jonathan’s calculated and weaponized ambiguity breeds deception and weakens emerging political alliances.” —Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo
Former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has once again found himself at the center of presidential speculation, floating silently above the country’s political waters while supporters aggressively market him as a possible candidate ahead of another critical election cycle. And once again, Jonathan is doing what he has mastered throughout his political career: saying nothing clearly while allowing political confusion to grow around him.
This pattern is not new. It is the same indecisive political behavior that defined some of the most consequential moments of his rise and fall. Jonathan became president in 2010 following the death of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. At the time, many northern political stakeholders within the then-ruling PDP believed there was an informal understanding that Jonathan would complete Yar’Adua’s term but not seek another full term in 2011, thereby preserving the party’s zoning arrangement between North and South. Instead of taking a clear and immediate position, Jonathan spent months dribbling the nation politically. He neither fully denied nor openly confirmed his intentions until the political tension had already escalated nationwide.
By the time he eventually declared his candidacy, the damage had been done. Many northern allies who initially supported him felt betrayed, politically cornered, or deceived. The PDP fractured internally, regional distrust deepened, and Jonathan’s relationship with major northern power blocs deteriorated permanently. Though he won the 2011 election, the cracks created by that indecision followed him into 2015, contributing significantly to the coalition that eventually removed him from power.
Yet Jonathan learned little from that experience. Since losing reelection in 2015, his name has repeatedly surfaced during every major electoral cycle as a potential presidential contender. Each time, his supporters strategically floated his candidacy across media platforms and political circles. Each time, Jonathan refused to decisively shut the door. Silence became his political instrument, whereas ambiguity became his strategy.
Now the country is witnessing the same playbook again. As coalition politics intensify and opposition forces attempt to consolidate around alternative political movements, Jonathan’s name has resurfaced aggressively. Reports and speculations about his presidential ambition continue to dominate political discussions, especially within camps seeking to disrupt the growing momentum surrounding Peter Obi and emerging opposition realignments.
The troubling part is not merely that Jonathan’s supporters are campaigning. The troubling part is that Jonathan fully understands the implications of his silence. He knows that his political stature carries enough weight to destabilize fragile coalition negotiations. He knows his name alone can divide campaign structures, weaken consensus-building, and inject uncertainty into opposition calculations. Yet he refuses to publicly and definitively state where he stands.
That is not statesmanship. That is calculated political ambiguity. Jonathan’s political history is filled with similarly contradictory choices. After losing power in 2015, he received widespread praise for conceding defeat peacefully. He initially framed that decision as a sacrifice made to preserve Nigerian lives and prevent violence. Later, however, different narratives emerged suggesting international pressure, particularly from the United States under President Obama. The shifting explanations weakened what could have remained one of his strongest democratic legacies.
Then came another contradiction. Despite emerging politically from the PDP, Jonathan gradually aligned himself closely with the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, serving in diplomatic and goodwill capacities that many PDP loyalists considered politically inappropriate. This unusual closeness fueled longstanding allegations that elements within the APC establishment viewed Jonathan as a useful political instrument capable of destabilizing opposition coalitions from within. Whether those allegations are true or not, Jonathan’s conduct has consistently created room for suspicion.
His political base remains uncertain. His campaign structure is invisible.
Today, his undeclared ambition is already generating confusion among supporters, coalition organizers, and opposition strategists. His political base remains uncertain. His campaign structure is invisible. His intentions are unclear. Yet his loyalists continue mobilizing aggressively in his name while he watches silently from the shadows.
Nigeria is too politically fragile for this kind of elite gamesmanship. At critical national moments, leadership demands clarity, courage, and accountability. Jonathan cannot continue operating as a permanent “maybe” in Nigeria’s political future, thoughtlessly hovering around every election season like an unanswered question designed to manipulate negotiations and weaken emerging alliances.
At this time, Jonathan should sit in or sit out! If he wants to run, he should declare openly, defend his record, and face the democratic process directly. If he does not intend to run, he should immediately and publicly withdraw his name from the political marketplace. Anything short of that increasingly looks less like political strategy and more like calculated deception. Nigeria deserves leaders who make difficult choices openly—not politicians who weaponize silence while others gamble with national uncertainty in their name.
♦ Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
Nigeria’s Forgotten Sacrifice and the Tragedy of Xenophobia in South Africa
As George Santayana famously warned, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” The unfolding xenophobic tensions in South Africa reflect more than economic strain; they reveal a deeper crisis of memory and meaning. When history fades, gratitude dissolves, and fear replaces solidarity. The violence directed at fellow Africans is not merely social unrest; it is a philosophical failure to reconcile past sacrifice with present identity, reminding us that nations, like individuals, must remember to remain whole.
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I recall that when I was in college in Nigeria, all Southern African students, present in substantial numbers, were on full federal government scholarships and received an additional income called a bursary. They lived better than many Nigerians; some even drove cars. Many adopted Nigerian names, assimilated seamlessly, and secured opportunities with ease, while Nigerian graduates faced rising unemployment. It was a quiet but powerful demonstration of solidarity, Nigeria investing in the future of a region still shackled by apartheid.
Today, that history feels almost erased.
For years now, waves of xenophobic attacks in South Africa, often targeting Nigerians, and more recently Ghanaians and other African nationals, have revealed a troubling pattern: violence fueled by economic frustration, misinformation, and historical amnesia. Shops are looted, homes burned, and lives disrupted under the recurring claim that “foreigners are taking jobs.” Yet this narrative collapses under even the most basic scrutiny of history.
Nigeria was not a bystander in South Africa’s liberation; it was a central force.
Under the military leadership of Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria became the first country in history to boycott the Commonwealth Games in protest against apartheid. That decision was not symbolic; it was costly, bold, and globally consequential. Obasanjo went further, advocating a continental defense posture and proposing what he termed a “Black bomb,” a radical idea reflecting the urgency of protecting African sovereignty against external aggression.
Nigeria’s commitment extended beyond rhetoric. During the Ibrahim Babangida regime, South Africa sought to exert strategic influence in Equatorial Guinea, offering infrastructure support before the discovery of oil. Nigeria recognized the geopolitical implications and decisively intervened, severing ties and offering its own support. The situation escalated to the point where Equatorial Guinea petitioned Nigeria at the United Nations for intervention. Nigeria did not retreat. This was not interference; it was protection. It was foresight. It was leadership.
Nigeria funded liberation movements, provided education, opened its economy, and bore economic sacrifices, including the nationalization of British Petroleum assets, to pressure the apartheid regime. These were not acts of charity; they were acts of conviction rooted in a vision of a free and united Africa.
And yet, decades later, Nigerians are hunted in the very land their country helped liberate.
The tragedy of xenophobia in South Africa is not merely about violence—it is about the collapse of historical consciousness. A generation disconnected from its past becomes vulnerable to manipulation, scapegoating, and misplaced anger. Economic hardship is real, but it does not justify the erasure of truth or the targeting of fellow Africans.
If history were remembered accurately, perhaps the conversation would be different. Perhaps the anger would be redirected toward structural inequalities rather than neighboring nationals. Perhaps the bonds of Pan-African solidarity would still hold.
But memory has faded, and in its absence, resentment has grown. Africa cannot afford selective memory. Nations that forget who stood with them in their darkest hours risk losing their moral compass in moments of crisis. Nigeria’s role in the liberation of South Africa is not a footnote—it is a foundation. To ignore it is to misunderstand both the past and the present.
Equally troubling is the persistent failure of successive South African governments to decisively confront and eradicate xenophobic violence. Such inaction, whether intentional or not, signals a dangerous tolerance, if not tacit endorsement, of these attacks, allowing them to recur with impunity. If brotherhood is to mean anything, it must be anchored in truth and reinforced by responsible leadership. And if Africa is to move forward, it must first remember and act.
♦ Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
The cost of this misalignment extends beyond politics and erodes the strength and perception of the Igbo brand itself — Dr. Anthony Ogbo
Few ethnic groups in the modern world embody resilience, adaptability, and entrepreneurial drive like the Igbo of southeastern Nigeria. Forged by history, particularly the trauma and aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War, the Igbo spirit has evolved into a global force defined by education, commerce, and labor. Across Africa, Europe, Asia, and the Americas, Igbo professionals, traders, academics, and innovators have exerted disproportionate influence. Their philosophy of self-determination, “Igbo enwe eze” (the Igbo have no king), has fostered a decentralized, merit-driven culture that rewards initiative and hard work.
In many respects, this dynamism mirrors that of the Jewish people. Like the Jews, the Igbo have leveraged education as a primary tool of advancement, often placing extraordinary value on academic achievement as a pathway to mobility. In commerce, both groups demonstrate remarkable networking capabilities, building trust-based systems that transcend geography. In labor, their willingness to start from the margins and climb through persistence is widely documented. These parallels are not superficial; they point to a shared cultural DNA rooted in survival, adaptability, and intellectual capital.
Yet this comparison begins to diverge in political cohesion and strategic alignment.
While Jewish communities globally have often demonstrated coordinated political engagement, aligning interests, influencing policy, and maintaining a unified voice, the Igbo have struggled to translate their economic and intellectual strength into sustained political power within Nigeria. This gap has had significant consequences, affecting not only their representation but also their broader cultural and national standing.
A critical example is their overwhelming support for Goodluck Jonathan in the 2011 and 2015 elections. While politically understandable at the time, this near-unanimous alignment left the Igbo politically exposed following his defeat in 2015. In the aftermath, many Igbo communities perceived a decline in federal inclusion and influence, reinforcing a sense of marginalization in Nigeria’s power structure.
This pattern appeared to repeat, albeit in a different form, with the passionate and often uncompromising support for Peter Obi in the 2023 elections. Obi’s candidacy energized millions, particularly among youth and the diaspora, and represented a shift toward issue-based politics. However, the “all-or-nothing” posture adopted by segments of his support base, both online and offline, arguably alienated potential allies across Nigeria’s diverse political landscape. What could have evolved into a broad coalition instead deepened ethnic and regional fault lines, weakening the strategic positioning of the Igbo in national politics.
Beyond electoral choices, the Igbo political challenge is also structural. The absence of a unified political leadership or central coordinating body has made it difficult to articulate and pursue long-term collective interests. Internal divisions, elite fragmentation, and the rise of competing advocacy voices, some constructive, others reactionary, have further complicated alignment. Additionally, separatist agitations, while rooted in legitimate grievances, have sometimes overshadowed pragmatic engagement with Nigeria’s political institutions, limiting opportunities for negotiation and influence.
The cost of this misalignment is not merely political; it touches the Igbo brand itself. A people known globally for enterprise and intellect risk being perceived domestically through a narrower lens of political disunity or agitation. This perception, whether fair or not, has implications for investment, partnerships, and national integration.
The way forward requires a recalibration, one that does not dilute Igbo identity but strengthens its strategic expression. First, there must be a deliberate effort to build political coalitions beyond ethnic lines. Nigeria’s complexity demands alliances; no single group can achieve national power in isolation. Second, Igbo leaders across business, academia, and civil society must converge on a shared political agenda that prioritizes inclusion, infrastructure, security, and economic development for the region within the Nigerian framework.
Third, political engagement must shift from emotional mobilization to strategic negotiation. This includes cultivating influence within major political parties, supporting diverse candidates across regions, and investing in long-term policy advocacy rather than election-cycle enthusiasm. Finally, the Igbo diaspora, arguably one of the most powerful in Africa, should be more intentionally integrated into political strategy, leveraging its global networks for both advocacy and investment.
Igbo dynamism remains undeniable. The challenge is not capacity, but coordination. If the same ingenuity that built global commercial networks can be applied to political alignment, the Igbo will not only preserve their cultural and economic stature but also secure a more decisive role in shaping Nigeria’s future.
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♦ Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is with the School of Communication, Texas Southern University. Dr. Ogbo is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is also the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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