Anthony Obi Ogbo
The shame of amoral witchery: Obasanjo’s abuse of elder statesmanship
He led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang of dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption.
Eldership is not a position but a legacy of great sagacity. It is a title earned through the ability to influence subordinates through knowledge, sheer experience, understanding, unequivocal judgements, and commonsense. The core values of elder statesmanship are not just built on age, but grounded in virtues synchronized with ethics and kind-heartedness.
In other words, it is fair to say that a former South African president, Nelson Mandela was an elder statesman. This clarification is necessary for most individuals or perhaps analysts who would erroneously refer to every aged politician or community leader as elder statesman with the least consideration of the values each of them live.
A former Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo is one of such politicians unknown by those who followed his political choices and actions. For clarity, Pa Obasanjo is an 82-old senior who has ruled Nigeria twice – as a civilian and once a military junta, and who still has not giving up his hunger for absolute power. From 2007 when he concluded his service as his nation’s civilian leader, this man has not given up his drunkenness for power and public resources, rather, he had pervaded the political system in the most twisted manner; destroyed younger politicians who would not partake in his treachery and bullied others who still worshipped him like a demigod.
As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.”
But among almost a thousand descriptions of this former President by those who claimed they knew him, only his daughter, Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo has rendered his portrait with unimpeachable accuracy. One good thing about women is that they can tell their own blood better without forensic evidence. Hence, Iyabo knew her dad in-and-out, describing him as a “narcissistic megalomaniac personality” who would always “accuse someone else of what he so obviously practice.”
As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.” This was in 2013.
Also, it may be recalled that in 2008, Pa Obasanjo’s own son, Gbenga, in an affidavit following a messy divorce case with his wife, Mojisola, accused this former president of having sex with his wife as an exchange for government contracts. I do not mean to dig up these issues about Pa Obasanjo, but his tenacious underhanded advances into Nigeria’s leadership system, from regime-to-regime, necessitate making a few references of his ramshackle credibility and deceitful claims of eldership.
But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed.
After his presidency tenure, when he became the chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Obasanjo handled his business selfishly, and mean-heartedly split his party into political in-groups. He created diminutive rebellious factions and positioned them to fight each other. After the aged leader was done, he cunningly resigned from his party’s top leadership position in 2012, claiming that he wanted to fulfill his duties as a statesman locally and internationally.
But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed. But the major reason behind these ugly advances was because President Jonathan rightfully adopted a governance process that sidestepped Obasabjo’s despotic influence and selfish political demands – a culture of appointing political leaders for elective offices behind closed doors – telling candidates when to run and when not to run for offices; and controlling all government offices like a flat screen with the remote.
So, with the aforementioned thesis of the evils of his political witchery, why would Obasanjo be trusted with policy-making thoughts and reflections? Earlier this week, he published another letter – a crafted fiction of mass-destruction which he addressed to President Buhari, warning that “Nigeria is on the precipice and dangerously reaching a tipping point where it may no longer be possible to hold danger at bay.” What nonsense!
In Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives.
With Obasanjo’s injurious influence, the issue becomes conceivable, on why any electorate who wants peace, progress, and unity in Nigeria would accord him any attention. Besides these controversial letters where he would usually fabricate allegations to throw his country into chaos, Obasanjo has consistently made damaging comments to ensure a failure of any regime that scorns his dubious advances. For instance, in Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives.
Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang of dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.
Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians. Today, most of Obasanjo’s “students” are still within the boundaries of policy-making caucus, causing havoc in the system.
But for Nigerians who still play the Russian roulette with their national unity, it must be noted that this region endured thousands of lives, punitive decrees, never-ending transition processes, absurd economic programs, and spiritual interventions to finally expunge the junta virus from their governmental system. Letters of Obasanjo therefore remain a dangerous option to sustaining this democracy. Finally, please note that Obasanjo is a choice not a constitutional obligation – therefore you may follow him at your own risk.
♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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“For those who casually talk of war or fantasize about forcing the Igbo to flee again, it’s crucial to understand one thing: the dynamics of conflict have changed.” —Dr. Emeaba Emeaba
Naïveté is a condition of trusting too easily, of believing the world to be simple and fair, of taking things at face value. This was the state of the Igbo people in Nigeria before the tragedy of Biafra. The Igbo were industrious traders and sojourners who engaged with the world earnestly, often assuming others shared their sincerity. But their aggressive individualism and entrepreneurial spirit irritated many, planting seeds of resentment in a fragile national fabric.
The tipping point came with a failed coup in 1966. The coup’s leaders were largely of Igbo extraction, and some prominent Hausa-Fulani politicians were killed. When the coup was suppressed by the then-Igbo army commander, Major General Aguiyi Ironsi, who assumed national leadership, suspicion turned to hostility. It didn’t matter that the Igbo were not collectively complicit; perceptions of ethnic dominance fueled violent reprisals. Across Nigeria, Igbo civilians—men, women, and children—were slaughtered, maimed, and driven from their homes. Their crime? Sharing the same ethnicity as some of the coup plotters.
Faced with relentless persecution, the Igbo fled to Eastern Nigeria, seeking refuge under the protection of their military governor, Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu. The clamor for safety and dignity led to a call for secession, birthing the short-lived Republic of Biafra. However, the Nigerian government responded with war, branding the secession as rebellion. What followed was a campaign of destruction: mass killings, starvation as a weapon of war, and the obliteration of civilian populations under the pretense of maintaining national unity.
By the war’s end in 1970, millions of lives had been lost. The Igbo were stripped of their properties, political positions, and dignity. Biafra’s failure was not due to a lack of resolve but to an underestimation of the lengths to which the Nigerian state and its foreign backers would go. The Igbo assumed they were fighting soldiers; they did not anticipate a war on civilians, where tanks and air raids rained terror upon villages.
Since then, the Igbo have returned to Nigeria, grinding their teeth but channeling their energies into rebuilding their lives through commerce and ingenuity. Yet, the scars of Biafra linger. The Igbo homeland remains heavily policed and militarized, with even minor disturbances treated as national security threats. Meanwhile, some factions in Nigeria invoke the war in their rhetoric, threatening violence and deriding the Igbo as occupying an area that is a “tiny dot” in Nigeria These are not merely words—they are provocations that ignore the lessons of history.
For those who casually talk of war or fantasize about forcing the Igbo to flee again, it’s crucial to understand one thing: the dynamics of conflict have changed. The Igbo have learned from Biafra. They are no longer confined to a “dot” but are everywhere, contributing to Nigeria’s economy and building homes far from their ancestral lands. They will not retreat to be cornered and crushed again.
And war itself has evolved. It is no longer fought with soldiers who can be dispatched to distant territories while leaders issue commands from comfortable enclaves. Drones and modern weaponry have democratized destruction. In today’s world, no region can claim immunity from the fires they set elsewhere—ask Russia, in their flirtations with Ukraine.
So, let this be a warning: watch your words and actions. The fires of Biafra burned too hot, and the ashes are still smoldering. Those who continue to stoke these embers risk starting an inferno that no one—not even the instigators—will be able to extinguish.
Let us learn from the past and choose dialogue, empathy, and unity over divisiveness. Nigeria cannot afford to repeat the mistakes of its history.
_______
♦Publisher of the Drum Magazine, Dr. Emeaba Emeaba is an author and entrepreneur based in Nigeria and the United States
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Harris County Judge Lina Hidalgo has sparked controversy within her Democratic Party circle by publicly endorsing the contentious $4.4 billion Houston ISD bond less than two weeks before the upcoming election. In a recent social media post, Hidalgo revealed that a recent tour of an HISD school facility had shed light on the urgent need for additional funding, despite the Texas Education Agency’s (TEA) recent takeover of the district.
The bond, which is divided into two separate propositions, has faced significant backlash in recent months. Surprisingly, both Harris County Republicans and Democrats have united in opposition to the bond, citing concerns about potential mismanagement by the current leadership.
However, Hidalgo’s stance is rooted in her firsthand observations during the school tour. She raised the alarm at the inadequate conditions she witnessed, such as a mere fence separating the exterior from six classrooms, a musty smell emanating from the library due to a damaged HVAC system, and using mobile units from 1990 that were only designed to last 10 years. Additionally, she noted that the narrow walkways and lack of proper canopies made it difficult for students and staff during inclement weather, and classrooms’ heating and cooling systems were insufficient. Indeed, Hidalgo’s decision to support the bond is based on her commitment to addressing the pressing needs of HISD students and staff, as highlighted by her eye-opening visit to the school facility.
To provide a comprehensive understanding of the Bond Proposal, let’s break it down: The proposal consists of two parts – Proposition A and Proposition B. Proposition A aims to enhance the district’s buildings and facilities. If approved, HISD will have the opportunity to borrow $3.96 billion for crucial repairs and upgrades. On the other hand, Proposition B focuses on enhancing technology in HISD schools, with a proposed borrowing of $440 million to modernize technology across all schools.
The Bond Proposal currently under consideration is undeniably significant, representing the first time in 12 years that HISD has sought funding for improvements. If approved, it would also become the largest bond in the history of the state of Texas. Major supporters of the bond, such as the Houston Food Bank, the Boys & Girls Clubs of Greater Houston, Mental Health America of Greater Houston, and Children at Risk, have valid concerns. They are particularly focused on the challenges faced by students in deteriorating school facilities.
However, there might be a glaring oversight in their assessment – the ability of HISD’s current leadership to effectively manage this initiative. Since assuming the role of Superintendent of the Houston Independent School District in June of 2023, Mike Miles has consistently been making headlines, albeit for all the wrong reasons. Despite his responsibilities in organizing, leading, directing, policy-making, and execution, Miles has failed to pass every test required to excel in his position. He has consistently struggled to lead this school district. Teachers are feeling distressed and uncertain about their roles, parents are worried about their children’s future, and students are losing interest in their education. The situation at HISD is dire, and it is clear that a change in leadership may be necessary to restore trust and stability within the district.
It is not surprising that former Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner and other local leaders who oppose the bond have expressed concerns regarding this proposal. They criticized Miles and his administration for not seeking sufficient input in developing the bond proposal. Bishop James Dixon, who heads the local National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) chapter, also criticized the lack of transparency in the bond proposal process. The Harris County Democratic Party Executive Committee voted unanimously to oppose it. Their party Chair Mike Doyle suggested that the funds should be in the hands of an elected representative, not Miles.
These criticisms underscore the critical need for transparency and community involvement in decision-making processes, particularly when it comes to allocating public funds. Superintendent Miles failed to actively engage all stakeholders, including community members and organizations, to ensure that the needs and priorities of the people were adequately addressed. The opposition ultimately stems from a lack of trust. Many believe that Miles cannot be trusted to responsibly manage billions in taxpayer money.
In less than two weeks, voters will see HISD’s bond divided into two items on their ballots, one totaling approximately $4 billion and the other around $400 million. Voters must carefully consider the implications of passing such a large bond, especially when there are concerns about the leadership within HISD. Judge Hidalgo and other supporters of this bond must move beyond their emotions. It is widely recognized that HISD is facing challenges and requires assistance. Ultimately, the success of this bond will depend on not just the amount of funding allocated, but also on the ability of HISD’s leadership to effectively implement and oversee its use.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, PhD, is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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The ongoing feud between Houston Mayor John Whitmire and the city’s chief financial officer, Controller Chris Hollins, is escalating into a distracting political spectacle.
During a heated press conference last week, Whitmire accused Hollins of engaging in pay-to-play by seeking sponsorships for a local annual investor conference. Whitmire’s main concern is that Hollins openly sought sponsorships reaching up to $100,000, with top sponsors being promised access to a private dinner with him, as stated in a document on the city’s website. Whitmire announced that he had launched an ethics investigation into the matter.
The ongoing feud between Houston Mayor John Whitmire and the city’s chief financial officer, Controller Chris Hollins, is escalating into a distracting political spectacle.
During a heated press conference last week, Whitmire accused Hollins of engaging in pay-to-play by seeking sponsorships for a local annual investor conference. Whitmire’s main concern is that Hollins openly sought sponsorships reaching up to $100,000, with top sponsors being promised access to a private dinner with him, as stated in a document on the city’s website. Whitmire announced that he had launched an ethics investigation into the matter.
In response, Hollins swiftly retaliated by submitting a memo to the City of Houston’s Office of Inspector General and the Houston City Council Ethics Committee, requesting that the investigation be expanded to include fundraising practices for the Mayor’s State of the City event. Hollins defended his actions by explaining that he utilized the same fundraising model for the Investor Conference that the Mayor had used for the State of the City event. The key difference is that the Mayor controls the proceeds from the State of the City, while proceeds from the Investor Conference are directed to a non-profit donor-advised fund, where an independent body has exclusive spending authority.
The two men have publicly disagreed over the city’s finances, but the latest drama marked a new level of animosity. Earlier this year, for instance, the duo clashed over Whitmire’s proposed $1.5 billion settlement with the firefighter’s union. Tensions escalated when Hollins halted the process and raised additional questions about the agreement. Hollins also argued that the Mayor did not provide him with enough time to assess the financial impact the contract would have on the city’s finances. In response, Whitmire, who played a significant role in negotiating the settlement, emphasized the need for swift approval to prevent any potential legal challenges that could result in the city being liable for a larger sum than agreed upon.
However, this recent clash with Hollins is just the tip of the iceberg. Since taking office as Houston’s mayor, Whitmire has frequently made headlines for his conflicts with other public officials, many of whom are fellow members of his Democratic Party.
Do you remember the Whitmire versus Hidalgo drama? Harris County Judge Lina Hidalgo supported the late Sheila Jackson Lee, Whitmire’s rival in a contentious mayoral race. Since Whitmire won and took office, his attitude towards Hidalgo and others who supported Jackson Lee has been quite vindictive. Whitmire has made it nearly impossible to meet with Hidalgo in person, even during major weather events that have hit Houston.
The officials had held separate briefings due to this ongoing discord. On May 16, they held their first joint news conference after an unexpected windstorm ravaged Houston. The exchange was disgraceful and awkward, with both even squabbling over who should speak at the podium. Whitmire remarked, “I’m glad I made the approval list,” to which Hidalgo responded, “Mayor, this is a disaster. Now is not the time.”
That was not the end of it. A month later, Whitmire stirred controversy with a derogatory comment on Hidalgo’s Facebook page regarding her bridal shower. Hidalgo had posted photos from the event, including one with her fiancé David James. Commenting from his official Facebook page, Whitmire wrote, “Wonderful. He sure looks like a nerd.” Whitmire’s comment generated awkward headlines and distractions from important policy matters for another week.
It is concerning that Whitmire has consistently found himself embroiled in controversies, yet appears unfazed by the backlash. In June, he sparked yet another contentious moment by stating to a news outlet that residents of Gulfton in Houston are predominantly undocumented immigrants seeking basic services and may not be welcomed in the Galleria. This comment prompted numerous local organizations to unite in signing and sending a letter demanding an apology for remarks they deemed highly offensive.
One significant concern with electing individuals of advanced age or nearing retirement to key political positions is that they often realize they have no long-term career to safeguard. This can ultimately result in a lack of decorum within the decision-making process, as these individuals prioritize their own agendas over the needs of those they are meant to serve. In the long run, this shortsighted approach can have detrimental effects on the overall stability and prosperity of the constituency.
The approach taken by Mayor John Whitmire aligns well with the above analogy. At 75 years old, he has essentially reached the conclusion of his illustrious political career. Yet as his ongoing political dramas continue to captivate public attention, one cannot help but question his capacity to organize people. His behavior has become a major topic in the media, diverting attention from his official duties and raising concerns about his ability to work effectively with officials who would not agree with him. Ultimately, it is up to Whitmire to address these issues.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, PhD, is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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