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Nigeria’s Corrupt Petroleum Corporation Executives Invite Newspaper Editors To Lagos Hotel, To Bribe Them To Discredit Report About Their Incompetence, Wastefulness

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5 years ago

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The media learnt that the planned meeting with the editors is scheduled for 1pm on Sunday at Legend Hotel, close to the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Ikeja in Lagos.

The management of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) has invited newspaper editors to a Lagos hotel with the intention of bribing them to discredit a recent report about ineptitude, mismanagement and corruption in the state oil and gas company.

The media learnt that the planned meeting with the editors is scheduled for 1pm on Sunday at Legend Hotel, close to the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Ikeja in Lagos.

A source privy to information regarding the emergency meeting told the media it is to bribe editors to discredit a report exposing the incompetence of NNPC executives and their wastefulness.

“They are inviting some editors to Legend Hotel in Lagos to bribe them to discredit a story published by the ICIR on Friday that really embarrassed them. The meeting is scheduled for 1pm on Sunday (today),” the source said.

The content of the text message sent out to the invited editors reads: “Meeting of selected editors scheduled for Sunday 12/9/2021 @ 1pm. Venue: Legend Hotel adjacent Murtala Muhammed International Airport.  Please confirm, attendance.”

The report highlighted data collated from audited financial statements released by the NNPC, led by its Group Managing Director, Mele Kyari, on Wednesday. The report exposed how Port Harcourt Refinery Company (PHRC), which is managed by Ahmed Dikko, an engineer, reported no income in 2020 but incurred administrative expenses of N19.215 billion, paying salaries, wages and other benefits to unproductive workers to the tune of N22.55 billion.

Despite making zero revenue, Port Harcourt refinery employed 487 new workers and paid N23 billion as salaries in 2020.

The media also learnt that the NNPC had already sponsored some groups to criticise the damaging report in an attempt to counter its implications by releasing press statements in the media.

For instance, a coalition of northern and southern groups recently released a joint statement saying the “continuous media attacks were designed to distract NNPC Group Managing Director and Port Harcourt Refinery Managing Director”.

The group said it took a stand during their second-quarter meeting in Kaduna at the weekend, “because the attack dogs of haters of the ongoing reforms at the NNPC are going beyond the boundaries of decency”.

“As Nigerian citizens, we feel duty-bound to draw public attention to a calculated, coordinated and well-funded media agenda designed to purposely distract the NNPC management, including another committed public servant – Dikko – who has been leading the reforms at the level of Port Harcourt refinery,” the group said.

The report on the 2020 financial statement of the company stated that the 487 new workers are being paid N3.93 billion annually, indicating that each of them takes an average of N8.072 million annually or N672,713 monthly.

The amount they earn monthly is about the annual salary of a normal Level 8 Federal Government worker.

Between 2019 and 2020, the refinery employed 1,162 new staff members, paying N41.163 billion in salary and wages, according to The ICIR’s calculations of the company’s wage data on its financial statements.

Also, out of the 487 staff members employed in 2020, 430 were senior and management staff members, amounting to 88.2 per cent, with huge financial implications. Only 57 were junior staff members.

Also, out of 675 staff engaged by the refinery in 2019, 656 were management and senior staff, members, representing 97 per cent of the total, with huge financial implications.

 

“It is looking like jobs for the boys at our dear refineries. And I wonder, most of these guys are earning heavy wages,” US-based Financial Consultant Ellam Ogochukwu said.

“Whoever is running that enterprise deserves to answer several questions,” she said.

Also, staff pension, gratuity and ‘long service award’ gulped N77.76 billion in 2020 as against N63.41 billion the previous year.

Surprisingly, under Dikko and his boss Kyari, the PHRC’s unproductive staff were allowed to take car loans, compassionate loans and advances valued at N1.001 billion in 2020.

The amount was N597.297 million in 2019.

In 2020, this refinery, which made no revenue, incurred a comprehensive loss of N53.179 billion.

In the previous year, the company made no revenue but incurred N50.530 billion in comprehensive loss.

Between 2017 and 2020, the company comprehensively lost N241.609 billion. Its revenue within this period was merely N6.27 billion.

“This refinery did not produce oil. What you have is that some people just iron their clothes, go to work and come back at the end of the day without adding to the productivity of the company,” Oil and Gas Analyst at Lagos-based Chapel Hill Denham Mustapha Wahab told The ICIR.

NNPC Managing Director, Kyari is the chairman of Port Harcourt refinery. He is followed by Ahmed Dikko (MD), Babatunde Sofowora (Executive Director of Services), Reginald Udeh (Executive Director, Finance and Accounts), James Ifeanyichukwu Ajibo (Executive Director, Operations), and Awaisu Muazu (late, served till July 2020).

These directors took N99.742 million as emoluments in 2020, a 67 per cent increase from N59.650 million they took in 2019.

In 2019, the Port Harcourt refinery did not record any revenue.  Yet, it reported N25.19 billion in expenses.

Six directors collected N59.65 million in fees, meaning that each of them received an average payment of N9.94 million a month in 2019.

According to the NNPC, names of the six directors in 2019 were:  Group Managing Director of NNPC, Malam Mele Kyari; Managing Director, Abba Bukar (who retired in March 2020); Executive Director of Services, Babatunde S. Sofowore; Executive Director of Operations, Ganiyu Abiodun Owolabi; another Executive Director of Operations, Engr Abel N. Imonighavwe; and Executive Director of Finance and Accounts, Mrs Aramide M. Ekundayo.

Salaries, wages, allowances, redundancy and pension costs gulped N22.195 billion. What that means is that, on average, each staff member received N32.88 million in 2019 from a company that made no revenue. This amounted, on the average, to N2.74 million each month.

Total salaries and pays received by staff members of Port Harcourt refinery between 2017 and 2019 amounted to N80.57 billion. But revenues received by the company within the period were estimated at N6.27 billion – implying that the NNPC sought N74.3 billion from outside the refinery to pay staff salaries.

Rather than privatise the refinery, the NNPC chose to pump an equivalent of 4.5 percent of Nigeria’s 2021 budget ($1.5 billion) into the refurbishment of a refinery that comprehensively lost N206.069 billion between 2017 and 2020.

Oil and Gas Analyst at Lagos-based Chapel Hill Denham, Mustapha Wahab said the investment in the refinery made no sense.

“Dangote refinery is coming on board and can process about 650,000 barrels per day of crude oil – highest in the world. NNPC has taken 20 per cent stake in Dangote.

“Why then are you resuscitating Port Harcourt refinery? We have done the analysis at Chapel Hill Denham and found that government should be spending $3billion or more to ensure efficiency of the refinery. So, it does not make investment sense because you are not going to compete with yourself,” he said.

“Two, Some countries are exiting low-carbon energy sources and migrating to clean energy. So, after rehabilitating Port Harcourt refinery, for how long will you enjoy its benefits, given that your market is not just Nigeria but also those countries exiting what you intend to sell to them?” he asked, urging the Nigerian Government to concession it for optimal benefits to the Nigerian economy.

Oil and Gas Governance Consultant, Henry Ademola Adigun also noted that the refinery was badly managed.

“The point is that the refineries are still badly managed. The faster the corporation becomes a limited liability company, the better,” Adigun said.

“You have a refinery not producing anything and not making revenues but salaries are being paid. How did the NNPC make the profit they said they made when the inefficiencies are there? The profit and loss do not show anything. They simply want to make it attractive to the stockman.”

He said there was no cost-cutting by the NNPC or the refineries, adding that there were also “no innovative efficiency, no restructuring or replanting and no cost-saving on salaries and wages.”

Former President of the Nigerian Society of Petroleum Engineers Joe Nwakwue said the only thing that the corporation could have done was to sell off the refineries.

“If you have a factory and is not producing, you will have to pay the gate man and the even the insurance company.”

The PHRC was commissioned in 1965. It was made up of two refineries: the old refinery was inaugurated in 1965 with capacity of 60,000 barrels per stream day (bpsd) and the new refinery was inaugurated in 1989 with an installed capacity of 150,000 bpsd, according to the NNPC.

It has a capacity of 210,000 bpsd with five process areas. In 2000, the then government of Nigeria shut down the refinery for turnaround maintenance. Other three refineries in the country were also expected to undergo a similar process, Oil & Gas Journal said.

As of that time, $364 million had already been spent on endless turnaround maintenance (TAM) services. About $25 billion has been spent on turnaround maintenance in the past 25 years, according to The Guardian.

The Institute for Global Energy Research, in a 2004 article, said the barrage of corruption, poor management, sabotage and lack of the mandatory turnaround maintenance (TAM) every two years had made all the refineries inefficient, making them operate at about 40 per cent of full capacity.

The NNPC said in April 2020 that it would hand over the four refineries in the country to a private firm to manage.

“We are going to get an O&M contract; NNPC won’t run it. We are going to get a firm that will guarantee that this plant would run for some time. We want to try a different model of getting this refinery to run. And we are going to apply this process for the running of the other two refineries.”

However, this has not happened. Rather, the corporation has sought money to rehabilitate the failed refineries.

It has prided itself on cost-cutting efficiency, but its refineries have incurred humongous losses.

Analysts say NNPC has no cause to hold onto the running of the refineries, having shown no capacity to manage it.

Culled from the Sahara Reporters

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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2 weeks ago

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April 7, 2026

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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4 months ago

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December 27, 2025

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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4 months ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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