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Neglect of the boy-child ―Social Implications of the female empowerment

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4 years ago

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Would female empowerment lead to the neglect of the boy-child in Nigeria?

A man named Ambrose is seated perusing a magazine. He pauses at some page and shares his thoughts with his friend, Ann.

Ambrose:

Look, these girls that you guys are empowering will still grow up to marry these boys that you are neglecting.

Ann:

(trying to understand)

Explain better.

Ambrose:

Nowadays, you see girls achieving more than the boys in schools. You see opportunities like scholarship programmes for girls just like the one in this magazine. Conferences and seminars and the whole fuzz about the girl child. But you hardly see anything for the boy child. We have neglected the boys so much that they are now on the streets leading in crimes like kidnapping, rituals, yahoo (internet fraud) and the likes. These boys are also the highest population in prison, while the girls are leading with flying colours in different sectors.

Ann:

(Still trying to understand) Okay…So, what is the problem?

Ambrose:

That is what I’m saying. We are now so focused on the female child that we abandon the boy child and leave them on their own to figure out life. When these ladies are ready for marriage, they will not find the boys that would meet their standards because these boys would probably be in prison or living recklessly. The boys that might even manage to have a decent living would become intimidated by the intelligence and high status of these girls that they would feel unworthy to marry them. The girls would become desperate for a suitable partner and then the scripture that says “…in that day, seven women will take hold of one man…” will be fulfilled.

Ann:

Oh, I see. To begin this conversation however, there are some generalisations that would need to be made specific.

First things first. Who are you referring to as “you guys” and “we”?

Ambrose:

Ur..m, basically, that’s just a “blanket word” for society.

Ann:

Hold on. We will not be able to have a successful conversation if we both throw “blanket words”. If a problem must be tackled, there must be specifics; so you have to ruminate.

Ambrose:

(Thinks hard) Really, I just used that word.

Ann:

Let me assist you. Many women/girls empowerment and rescue programmes are pioneered by women, especially older women. Right?

Ambrose:

Yes

Ann:

So, can we safely agree that “you guys” and “we” have a pragmatic implicature referring to the women?

Man:

(Takes a deep breath) Something like that.

Ann:

Okay. We got the missing link in your complaint. Women.

Ambrose and Ann:

(Chuckles)

Ann:

You see, growing up as a child, my siblings and I had this attitude loosely called “ha sirim chuwa ewu” in Igbo.

When we individually see a potentially harmful object obstructing a walkway at home or an object that is not supposed to be where it is, we would just ignore and carefully pass around it because, in our minds, we were not the ones who kept it there. What is more? We were not told to remove it. So, our mom, upon noticing that behaviour, would rebuke “ha asirim chuwa ewu”, come on take that thing out of the way!”

Ambrose:

(Laughs)What does that mean?

Ann: 

I was just going to explain that. It is emanated from an illustration of a person who refuses to chase a goat away from eating a tuber of yam until they are told to do so. “Ha sirim chuwa ewu” literally means, “they told me to chase goat” but its contextual meaning is also extended to a person or a group of people who avoid partaking in the solution of a problem that would benefit a certain number of people including themselves. We see this behaviour exhibited by politicians who would rather hoard national funds than use it to the benefit of all thereby resulting in the stagnation we constantly experience.

Anyways, back to our talk.

If the women have taken the responsibility of seeing to the empowerment of these young girls, should it not be an exemplary act for the men to emulate instead of guilt-tripping the efforts of these women by saying they (the women) are abandoning the boys?

Let’s look at the idea of parenting in this society. Most fathers would prefer to spend their time with their friends in the beer parlour as long as they have fulfilled the responsibility of providing financially for the family (even though we know that in our social reality, women are active breadwinners as their partners).

The term “work and family balance” is used for career women and not men because subconsciously, when we think of training a child, we think only of the women. This has resulted in the absence of fathers in the parenting role of training a child aside from finance. Implying that the empowerment of girls has resulted in the abandonment of the boy child sounds like a hypocritical statement because this problem has been there all along. The empowerment of the girl-child just made it obvious. And if at all, a conversation should be made about this abandonment, it should be a solution-driven conversation amongst the men, older men especially, on how they can assume the responsible role of grooming and empowering the boy-child.

Ann:

Moving on to your scriptural quote on the clinging of seven women to one man- (laughs heartily)

Ambrose:

(Chuckles) No, speak on. I’m listening.

Ann:

Honestly, I find that a ridiculous reference- no offense intended.

Ambrose:

(Nods)

Ann:

First, it is alarming how a girl, despite her achievements and contribution to society, is judged by her ability or inability to get married, suffocating her choice to accept or decline what we consider marriage. This is another subconscious thought that contrasts what it means to be human.

On top of that, you quoted biblical scripture to back up this bias. Would you still quote that scripture if you remembered that before Christianity was introduced, polygyny had been a cultural practice? Would you still make reference to that scripture if you acknowledged that other religions like Islam exist aside from Christianity? Would you still feel the urge to pin the empowerment of girls as the basis for the fulfillment of that scripture because you feel boys are abandoned?

Dear Ambrose, this conversation is not meant to be an attack but an attempt to resurrect critical and humane thoughts that would elicit responsibility from the older men in solving the problem of the male child abandonment that you have raised.

(Extends hand to Ambrose)

Ambrose: (smiles) shake hands.

♦ Favour Chiagozie Ebubechukwu is an Editorial  Staff Writer and columnist with the WAP

 

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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3 weeks ago

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April 7, 2026

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

Published

4 months ago

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December 27, 2025

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

Published

5 months ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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