Nigeria
Investigation: How Yakubu Dogara, UBEC Squandered N1 Billion Model School Projects
Published
5 years agoon
The money was part of a N1 billion constituency project of the former speaker of the House of Representatives who currently represents the area at the National Assembly.
Three years ago, the Universal Basic Education Commission released the sum of N97 million to three companies for the construction and rehabilitation of classrooms in the federal constituency represented by Yakubu Dogara in Bauchi State.
The money was part of a N1 billion consistency project of the former speaker of the House of Representatives who currently represents the area at the National Assembly.
Quickfix Property Limited, Delta Force limited and Maridiq Nigeria Limited received the money for the construction and rehabilitation of schools in the area, according to Budeshi, an open contracting platform.
At the Government Day Technical College in Tafawa-Balewa, no single project has been executed despite the school being listed as one of the beneficiaries of the intervention project.
Mr Jatau Daniel, principal of the technical college told WikkiTimes that the school had been neglected for years, adding that he was not aware that it was billed to receive such intervention.
But it is not only the Government Day Technical College in Tafawa-Balewa whose classrooms renovation and construction are up in the air despite money being released by UBEC. Investigations by WikkiTimes show that other schools that were listed as beneficiaries either got shoddy construction or none.
Built in 1978, the Government Day Technical College Tafawa-Balewa is the only technical school in Dogara’s constituency, but the school has deteriorated, leaving more than 1400 students in a poor learning environment without basic amenities.
The principal said the last building in the school was constructed about 20 years ago and renovation has been done through the contributions of the Parents Teachers’ Association (PTA).
“I have had the privilege of meeting with Hon. Yakubu Dogara last year,” Mr Daniel said. “I tabled all the challenges faced in the school and how the school is on the verge of total collapse. After receiving my proposal, we have not gotten any response from him till date after telling me he will get back to us.”
Inside the school, cracks appear in-between the walls, inviting reptiles and insects into the classrooms.
“See how bad the school looks,” said exasperated Mr Emmanuel Barau, head of sciences laboratory in the school.
Students suffer the neglect. At Samuel Alheri’s classroom, the ceiling is about to cave in. The windows and floor of the classrooms are all broken. The students sit four per chair with some lapping each other. “The chairs are not enough to accommodate all of us,” Alheri said.
“Throughout last term, we could not have physics class because we don’t have a physics teacher,” Alheri told WikkiTimes.
“I am in the computer science department. I only go to the lab with other students where we just sit for a while and then return back to our classes,” said Idi Miyaki, Alheri’s classmate.
“We don’t have a computer science teacher,” Miyaki continued. “No light or generator to even power the few computers, I don’t know anything about computer. I am just here wasting my time. As soon as we close, I just rush to the farm where I can make meaningful use of my time.”
Another school in the area, Central Primary School was listed as a beneficiary in the zonal intervention project by UBEC, but like the technical school, no construction was ever carried out despite money being released to the contractor.
In 2018, a contract for the construction of a block of three classrooms was awarded to Maridiq Nigeria Ltd, the same company that also got a contract for that of the technical college. It was awarded at N19 million.
The most recent block of two classrooms in the school was built in 2016 which was done under the Sustainable Development Goals’ intervention project.
“Look at all the roofs falling apart with so many classrooms, not in use,” Mary Maikomo, a native of Tafawa Balewa town, pointed out. “They are so dilapidated and not habitable for learning”, she added.
Mr Emmanuel Iliya, youth leader of Zaar Youth Development Association, ZAYODA told WikkiTimes that children in the area deserve a better school and quality learning to secure their future.
“You can see the pitiable state of the school,” Iliya said. “It’s at the mercy of God. This is a school that has graduated a lot of prominent people in this country, and the school in its bad look has lost its entire legacy.”
However, at Nahuta Primary School in Tafawa-Balewa, another beneficiary of the zonal intervention project, the contract was executed but was incomplete. A block of three classrooms was constructed but the supply of teaching materials and furniture was left out.
The block was built within three months, according to Mr Amos Bature, the head teacher at the school. It was hastily and poorly done with the doors and windows looking out of shape.
The contract was awarded to Quickfix Property Limited for N19 million failed to supply classroom furniture and teaching materials as contained in the contract.
“I just wish Hon. Yakubu Dogara will come and see for himself and then tell the public how proud he is of the school,” Mr Bature said. “Primary schools are supposed to give a foundation to children especially these ones in rural communities. These children have to suffer what their counterparts in urban cities enjoy.”
Shoddy And Incomplete Projects
At Government Junior Secondary School located at the roadside, a few metres away from Bogoro main town, a three-classroom block has been built by Quickfix Property Limited but without teaching aids and furniture as spelt out in the contract.
“Being in a rural community, we sometimes use the money paid by the student as PTA levy to buy attendance booklets and even some of the textbooks we use in the school,” said Mrs. Bilhatu Daniel, principal of the school.
“We were only given 80 pieces of 40 leaves exercise books in a school of 398 students,” Mrs Daniel continued. “My pain is not just as a teacher or the principal of the school, but as a mother, seeing children with brighter future in such a mess with little or no hope of getting the best basic education they need at this age and time.”
QuickFix Property Limited also constructed a three-classroom block at Upper Basic Primary School in Shall Gwartar, the only benefiting school in Dass Local Government Area.
But the building which was constructed last year is already falling apart with its foundation exposed and the walls already tearing into different parts, just as the floor in the classes already broken, leaving the newly erected classes in a wretched state.
The structure was erected in the first quarter of 2020, shortly before the COVID-19 lockdown. It was awarded at N19 million.
Ya’u Yusuf, the PTA Chairman of Upper Basic Secondary School, Shall Gwartar and Yusuf Gambo, a volunteer guard told WikkiTimes that the construction was done in two months, and it started collapsing immediately after the erection.
“The contractor was using substandard materials. We saw it for ourselves,” they said.
“I personally stopped them, and they went to tell the Honorable himself,” Yusuf said. “After some days, they returned back to continue their work with the same materials and at this point, I had to allow them.”
Yusuf described the building as a death trap to students, adding that they feared that the building would finally collapse at any time.
“There has never been a time when leaders are so greedy and selfish as now,” Yusuf said. “They can eat up everything allocated to a rural community without any fear or conscience.”
Haruna Danladi, village head of Shall Gwantar, could not hide his disappointment when describing to WikkiTimes how students sit on bare floor to learn.
“We have no option,” he said. “We only accept what they give to us no matter how bad or good it looks. The award of a contract by the government is usually for their own profit not for the benefit of the community. If not, quality and durable materials would have been used in a school.
“When they come to carry out the project, they never seek our advice. They just begin work and so we just sit aloof and watch them.”
The principal of the school, Mr. Sulaiman Yunusa who shared his experience with WikkiTimes explained how teachers struggle to maintain the school with zero support despite hefty allocations that come with the intervention project.
“We never received any book or teaching materials from anyone,” he said.
Gwarangah, Dogara’s Home Town also neglected
Outsiders would assume that the hometown of a former speaker of the House of Representative who has been in the House for over 17 years would have basic amenities like good roads, constant power supply, pipe-born water, and standard schools as well as primary healthcare facilities.
But it is the opposite. The racketeering in the execution of the school projects in other communities did not also spare Gwarangah, his village. In comparison to other schools in Bogoro, Dass, and Tafawa-Balewa where the 2018 projects were either not carried out or poorly executed, a block of three classrooms was constructed by Delta Force Ltd.
“I am Dogara’s Uncle and the principal of this school, as well as the NUT chairman of the local government,” said Mr Gideon Gambo, who said that the new building belongs to the primary school which share premises with the secondary.
“Here in Gwarangah Junior Secondary school, as the principal, I have to buy chalk which we use because from SUBEB they only give us one carton of chalk for the whole term. How do you expect us to use just one carton in a term? So, we resort to taking money from the PTA levy which the students pay terminally to buy chalk which we use in our classes.
“Imagine students preparing for junior WAEC and other exams, no library and no textbooks. At what point is the government supposed to come in and help these children. In the whole of this community, no single ICT centre and this is the community which produced the number four citizen in this country.”
The purported ICT centre in the community has been converted to an APC warehouse used by Dogara. The building which has an APC logo, the political party of Dogara, is behind his house.
A peep into Dogara’s house shows several undistributed stashed tricycles. Members of the community told WikkiTimes that the books meant to be distributed to the schools in the area had been stashed inside Dogara’s house as well.
Contractors Operate in the Shadow
The contractors that executed the N1 billion Dogara Models Schools project mostly operate in the shadow as no trace of their offices in either Bauchi, the seat of government or at Dogara’s constituency.
Search conducted by WikkiTimes on Corporate Affairs Commission’s website shows that the three companies that were awarded the contracts – Quickfix Property Limited, Delta Force Engineering Limited and Maridiq Nigeria Limited were all incorporated. Further efforts to confirm the companies’ profiles and other necessary information through the paid service, was not successful as the companies only have physical addresses in Abuja. But there are no emails or phone numbers. The companies do not have functional websites nor any active social media accounts for public engagement.
Expert Faults Project, Claim Amount, Inflated
An expert in quantity survey and lecturer at the Department of Quantity Survey who doubles as the Current ASUU Chairman, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi, (ATBU) argued that the pictures shown to him by WikkiTimes purportedly built at N19 million were highly inflated.
“With these pictures, you have just shown me, considering the cheap labour and already available land to carry out the project, the amount said to be spent on this project is shoddy and questionable,” Dr Inuwa Ibrahim.
“N19 million only is a lot of money, and for a structure said to be erected in 2018 of such standards, such amount is enough to give us around three to four of such blocks of three classrooms of which there was no fencing and other sophisticated equipment needed,” he said.
A proprietor of one of the biggest secondary schools in Bauchi, who doesn’t want her name mentioned, corroborates Dr Inuwa regarding the inflated cost of the Dogara’s model schools.
She said N19 million will enable her erect another private school.
“If given N19 million I can comfortably open another branch and erect like six to seven classrooms of a good standard because I already have the land.
“I may not be so particular to tell you the actual cost of my school and the maintenance, but it is my pleasure to let you know that N19 million will give me a new section and some change (additional money) to pay salaries of my staff for some months.”
She said N19 million “is a lot of money which can be used to build a standard school with ultra-modern science equipment that can be compared to some schools in some bigger schools.”
Dogara, UBEC, Ignore Interview, FOI Request
A freedom of information request sent to the official email address of the Universal Basic Education Commission, UBEC by WikkiTimes requesting the commission’s response on its findings were not responded to days after it was sent. WikkiTimes also contacted the spokesperson of the commission Mr David Apeh requesting an official response regarding the commission’s shoddy execution of Dogara’s projects. Mr David requested the reporter to send an official email requesting comments, but days after the reporter sent the email, it fell on deaf ears, just as repeated calls to remind him about the earlier correspondences was equally ignored.
Several calls and text messages to Yakubu Dogara and his spokesman Turaki Hassan were not replied.
Dr Aliyu Tilde, a former Bauchi Education commissioner who was contacted before he was sacked by his principal, Governor Bala Mohammed also declined to answer questions about the projects. Instead, he referred WikkiTimes to State Universal Basic Education (SUBEB).
“I do not handle education projects in LGAs. Please contact the State Universal Basic Education for any clarifications,” said Tilde in a text message.
Then SUBEB directed WikkiTimes to speak with its director of planning, Dr. Aliyu Abdulrashed who said UBEC would be most appropriate in answering the questions relating to the projects.
“We are only the beneficiary,” he said. “We are not the supervising body or the awardees of the contract, and so if you need any information about the project, you should reach out to the Universal Basic Education Commission.”
This story was produced in partnership with Civic Media Lab under its Grassroots News Project with support from the National Endowment for Democracy.
Culled from the Sahara Reporters
You may like
-
From Noise to Votes: Nigerian Youth Must Turn Online Fire into Electoral Power
-
Between Silence and Sabotage: Jonathan’s Return to Political Manipulation
-
The Devastation of Insurgency: Nigeria Cannot Kill Its Way Out of Insecurity
-
Igbo Dynamism and The Politics of Misalignment
-
Gowon’s Book and the Dangerous Politics of Selective Memory
-
Donald Trump Receives Message From Iran After His Threats
Books
A Chronicle of Community: Tracing the Roots of Amaiyi Igbere
Published
1 day agoon
July 13, 2026
- Book Title: Amaiyi Igbere: A Historical Look Back on Life, People, and Places That Shaped the Community
- Author: By Emmanuel O. Ukandu, P.E.
- Publishers: Intekspress Publishers
- Reviewer: Emeaba O. Emeaba
- Pages: 285
There is a particular kind of historical work that does not begin in an archive but around family compounds, market squares, church yards, streams, and evening conversations. Amaiyi Igbere: A Historical Look Back on Life, People, and Places That Shaped the Community by Emmanuel O. Ukandu belongs to that tradition. It is not merely a local history. It is an act of cultural preservation, an ambitious effort to rescue an entire way of life from the erosion of memory. The book announces that purpose immediately, presenting itself as a historical record of “life, people, and places that shaped the community.”

Ukandu understands something many professional historians sometimes overlook: the disappearance of everyday knowledge is often more permanent than the loss of famous events. Kings, wars, and politicians usually find chroniclers. The names of neighbors, customs surrounding childbirth, wrestling ceremonies, market routines, childhood games, and village footpaths frequently vanish within two generations. His response is encyclopedic. Across eighteen chapters, the author documents everything from family genealogies and village compounds to agricultural practices, religious life, education, folklore, the Nigerian–Biafran War, and changing social values.
Rather than pretending to produce an objective, omniscient history, Ukandu openly defines the book as a “personal history.” He carefully explains the limits of eyewitness testimony while arguing that memory itself deserves preservation. In one of the book’s strongest passages, he writes that:
“What may appear to be a small fragment of history today… may spare them the considerable effort and resources that would otherwise be required to search for traces of what transpired.”
That sentence serves as the philosophical foundation for everything that follows. The author is less interested in constructing grand historical theories than in ensuring that ordinary facts survive.
One of the book’s greatest achievements is its treatment of genealogy. Hundreds of names appear throughout the narrative—not as dry census entries but as participants in a living community. Families are connected across compounds, marriages, occupations, churches, schools, and public service. Future descendants searching for ancestors decades from now may find this volume invaluable. The author’s hope that young readers will build their own family trees transforms the book from history into an invitation for continuing scholarship.
The strongest chapters are those describing daily life before modernization transformed southeastern Nigeria. The discussions of rites of passage, farming seasons, fishing traditions, folklore evenings, marriage customs, health practices, markets, and village maintenance recreate a society whose rhythms depended upon community rather than institutions. The cumulative effect resembles an ethnography written by someone who lived the culture rather than observing it from the outside.
Ukandu also demonstrates how education shaped modern Amaiyi. His accounts of scholarship programs, pioneering teachers, and community leaders reveal how one generation deliberately invested in the next. Particularly memorable is his reflection that:
“Good seeds planted in children at an early age may produce results that last for a very long time.”
That observation quietly becomes one of the book’s central themes. Throughout the narrative, the community advances not through dramatic revolutions but through teachers, mentors, churches, scholarship funds, and families determined to educate their children.
The prose possesses an unusual sincerity. Ukandu rarely writes as though he is attempting a literary flourish. Instead, his voice reflects someone determined not to forget. That straightforwardness gives emotional weight to passages describing migration, the Nigeria–Biafra War, and the gradual disappearance of customs that once organized everyday existence.
Perhaps the book’s most affecting declaration appears near the beginning:
“The material presented in this book constitutes ‘a time window’ on a particular period in the life of the people of Amaiyi Igbere.”
The metaphor is exactly right. Readers are not simply learning dates; they are looking through a window into a vanished social world.
What does the book do less well?
Its greatest strength is also its principal weakness.
The book frequently favors completeness over narrative momentum. Long catalogues of names, family relationships, and community figures provide extraordinary documentary value, but they occasionally interrupt the flow for readers unfamiliar with Amaiyi. A more selective organization—or the addition of supplementary family charts, maps, timelines, and genealogical diagrams—would have made the wealth of information easier to absorb.
Editorially, the work could also benefit from tighter compression. Many anecdotes repeat similar themes, particularly regarding exemplary community leaders and educational pioneers. A more robust synthesis would strengthen the narrative without sacrificing historical content.
There are moments when personal admiration for certain individuals overtakes critical historical distance. Since the author explicitly identifies the volume as a personal history grounded in lived memory, this is understandable. Still, readers seeking extensive engagement with conflicting interpretations, documentary evidence beyond recollection, or broader regional historiography may occasionally wish for more comparative analysis.
Yet these criticisms ultimately reflect the book’s chosen mission rather than its failure. Ukandu is not writing a conventional scholarly monograph. He is preserving communal memory before it disappears.
The result is an important contribution to local African historiography and a reminder that history survives not only in national archives but also in villages whose stories are too often left unwritten. If every community possessed a chronicler as determined as Emmanuel Ukandu, historians of the next century would inherit a far richer record of Africa’s social past.
Amaiyi Igbere demonstrates that preserving memory is itself an act of public service. It stands as both a historical record and a gift to future generations seeking to understand not merely where they came from, but how ordinary people built a community whose legacy deserved to be written before it was forgotten.
This book is available on Amazon (Click on Image).

_________
♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.
- Book Title: FOOD FOR THOUGHT: Nourishing the Soul, One Bite at a Time
- Author: Professor Rev. Dr. Darlington Iheonu I. Ndubuike
- Publishers: WestBow Press.
- Reviewer: Dr Emeaba O. Emeaba
- Pages: 220
In Food for Thought, Darlington Ndubuike transforms the produce aisle into a pulpit, finding in seventy fruits and vegetables a complete theology of the examined life; its trials, its silences, and its unexpected harvests.
Consider, for a moment, the humble prune. Dismissed by most as a geriatric remedy, shriveled and graceless beside its more glamorous neighbors in the produce section, it is not the obvious vehicle for theological meditation. Yet it is precisely here, at the unglamorous end of the fruit bowl, that Professor Rev. Dr. Darlington Iheonu I. Ndubuike begins his ambitious, idiosyncratic, and occasionally arresting book of devotional reflections. “Before it becomes a prune,” he writes, “the plum undergoes a transformation; it is dried, its moisture removed, and its form altered. Though the process may seem like a loss, the prune becomes more concentrated, sweeter, and longer-lasting than the original fruit.” The pruning of the plum becomes, in Ndubuike’s telling, the pruning of the soul; God as Master Gardener, cutting away what comforts in order to cultivate what endures.
This is the central conceit of Food for Thought, and it is one the author pursues with a kind of joyful relentlessness across seventy chapters, each devoted to a different fruit, vegetable, or herb. From peach to peas, from chard to walnut, from kiwi to kale, each item in Ndubuike’s spiritual pantry yields a devotional lesson, a biblical parallel, and an acronymic framework for right living. The book belongs to a long lineage of nature-as-sermon writing; from the medieval Physiologus, which found moral instruction in the habits of real and fantastical animals, to the pastoral homiletics of the American evangelical tradition. But Ndubuike brings to the genre something distinctly his own: an exuberant fondness for wordplay, an autobiographical candor that occasionally startles, and a devotional warmth that persists even when the metaphors strain their seams.
The book’s organizing principle is phonetic rather than botanical. Ndubuike pairs each food with a homophonic or near-homophonic English word or phrase: the peach becomes a meditation on the “pitch,” or the power of words; the kiwi prompts a reflection on “Can we?”—a question of communal possibility and spiritual unity; the walnut, with a brisk semantic pivot, becomes “Worry Not.” The raisin asks us to search for “reason” in the dry seasons of life; the lettuce implores us to “Let Us” choose reconciliation; the cantaloupe reminds us that we “Can’t Elope” from our responsibilities. Some of these puns land with the satisfying click of genuine insight. Others; the beet becoming “beats,” the corn becoming “con;” are more strained, their theological freight arriving at the station considerably ahead of any logical locomotive to carry it. Ndubuike is clearly aware that he is operating in the territory of the playful homily rather than the systematic treatise, and he generally deploys his puns with enough good humor to disarm objection.
What distinguishes Food for Thought from its devotional shelf-mates is the quality of Ndubuike’s autobiographical interjections. In a chapter ostensibly about chard—”charred,” in his reading, as a metaphor for transformation through trial—he pivots without warning into a searing personal memoir: his years as an international student in Houston, the hurricane that destroyed his workplace, the repossessed car, the miles walked before dawn from Stella Link Road to West Belfort, folding newspapers in the back of a pickup truck, shoulder still aching decades later. These passages are written with a plainness and precision that distinguish them sharply from the book’s more ornate homiletical moments. They arrest the reader because they are specific in a way that allegory rarely is; because they insist that the fire he describes is not only figurative. “I had a return ticket,” he writes. “I could have gone home. But I stayed. That was over forty years ago. What felt like the end was actually the beginning.” The chard chapter, in other words, becomes something more than a meditation on resilience; it becomes testimony.
The book’s theological framework is unambiguously evangelical and Protestant, rooted in the conviction that Scripture is the primary lens through which the natural world—and human experience—ought to be interpreted. Ndubuike cites Proverbs, the Psalms, the Pauline epistles, and the Gospels with the ease of long familiarity. His approach to biblical narrative is typological and hortatory: Joseph, Esther, Naomi, Gideon, Abraham, and Ruth appear as recurring figures, their stories pressed into service as analogues for contemporary spiritual dilemmas. This is a deeply traditional mode of Christian preaching, and readers already within that tradition will find the interpretive moves intuitive, even comforting. Those approaching from other perspectives—secular, interfaith, or from within Christianity’s more historically minded wings—may find the hermeneutic at once earnest and occasionally reductive. Ndubuike is not much interested in the ambiguities of biblical narrative, in the gaps and silences that have occupied critical scholarship for a century and a half. He reads for moral and spiritual direction, and he finds it consistently wherever he looks.
Structurally, the book follows a disciplined if somewhat formulaic pattern. Nearly every chapter concludes with an acronym that spells out the chapter’s food—the pecan yields PECAN (Positioned in Christ, Empowered by the Spirit, Called with Purpose, Anchored in Faith, Nourished by Grace); the peach yields PITCH (Pause Before You Speak, Intend to Build, Tell the Truth in Love, Choose Words Carefully, Honor God and Others). These frameworks are designed, one senses, for pedagogical application; for church small groups, Sunday school classes, sermons, and workshops. As pastoral tools, they are admirably efficient. As literary devices, they occasionally impose a tidiness on complexity that the preceding meditation has not quite earned. Life, as Ndubuike himself demonstrates when he is writing from memory rather than from schema, is rarely as categorical as an acronym.
The book’s range is its most impressive quality. In the space of a single volume, Ndubuike moves from modesty and bodily dignity (the citrus chapter’s meditation on “see-throughs” and discretion) to individuality and self-expression (the garlic chapter’s spirited defense of the “Gar-ilk,” those uncommon souls who carry bold presence without apology), from the communal ethics of the kiwi to the eschatological patience of wheat. The chapter on basil is perhaps the most quietly searching in the collection: Ndubuike warns against what he calls “basil living”—a life of safe, flavorless adequacy, the spiritual equivalent of the default herb—and invokes Esau’s sale of his birthright as its scriptural type. The Israelites in the wilderness, longing for the cucumbers and garlic of Egypt even after their miraculous deliverance, are pressed into service here as cautionary archetypes of comfort-seeking and diminished vision.
The final chapter, devoted to peas—peace—arrives with the warmth of a well-prepared meal’s last course. Peas, Ndubuike observes, “grow together in a pod, side by side, close-knit, and in harmony. They don’t compete for space; they share it.” It is a fittingly communal image with which to close a book that is, at its best, an invitation to a shared table; to the practice of attending carefully to the ordinary, of finding in the quotidian not distraction but direction.
Food for Thought is not a book without faults. It is uneven in texture, moving between passages of genuine spiritual depth and others that settle for the pleasant cliché. The acronymic scaffolding, useful as a preaching tool, can feel mechanical when encountered seventy times. And there are moments when the phonetic conceits require a suspension of credulity that the theological argument is not quite strong enough to support. But Ndubuike writes from a place of authentic vocation; he tells his readers, only half in jest, that he cannot cook, and that the Holy Spirit is the true chef of this volume, and that sincerity has a flavor of its own.
For readers willing to receive it on its own terms; as an extended pastoral exercise in finding sacred meaning in the ordinary world, written by a man who has walked miles in the dark and emerged with his faith intact; Food for Thought offers something genuinely nourishing. Ndubuike’s grandfather’s voice can be heard throughout: in the dedication to his grandson Lennox, he sets the book as “a table I’ve set with care, each page a dish seasoned with reflection, truth, and love.” That is, in the end, exactly what it is.
This book is available on Amazon (Click on Image).
_________
♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.
Column
From Noise to Votes: Nigerian Youth Must Turn Online Fire into Electoral Power
Published
1 month agoon
June 1, 2026
Young Nigerians have shown a remarkable ability to create waves in the digital space. With a single click, they can expose a politician’s corruption, rally tens of thousands of supporters behind a single hashtag, and keep every political actor on edge from dawn until dusk. However, as the 2027 general elections draw closer, it is time to face an uncomfortable truth: loud online noise isn’t the same as real power in the political sphere. If Nigerian youth wish to get the best possible leadership from their nation’s leaders, they need to take their online activity offline (i.e., to places where actual democracy occurs) and start showing up to cast votes.

There is simply too much evidence to ignore that this needs to occur. Nigeria is a young country demographically. Together, Gen Z and Millennials comprise approximately half of the total population—50.1 percent—according to IntelPoint. Gen Z makes up 25.8 percent and Millennials account for 24.3 percent. When we consider Gen Alpha, the percentage rises to 85.7% of the population under 44. According to ActionAid Nigeria, more than 60% of Nigeria’s population is under 30. According to Afrobarometer, Nigeria has a median age of 18.1 years, and 58% of its population is aged 0-29. Therefore, Nigeria isn’t merely a young country; it is a country dominated by young people.
Based on this information, this dominant demographic should wield considerable political influence. Unfortunately, there often appears to be little correlation between these statistics and political influence. The contrast is striking. While a majority of Nigeria’s population is young, there remains a significant gap between how influential young people are politically and how influential they could be. This lack of influence is not due to a lack of ability among young people; rather, it stems from many young people stopping short of completing what is often called the “civic journey,” which involves moving from awareness to action. They consume politics, engage in political debate on social media, participate in meme politics, and express frustration with politics through social media rants; however, many young people still fail to register to vote (PVCs) or participate in elections in sufficient numbers to affect the outcome.
This disparity is important because youth dissatisfaction is far from abstract. More than 23% of Nigerian youth report being unemployed or seeking employment, according to Afrobarometer. Additionally, more than two-thirds of youth aged 18 to 35 report having some form of postsecondary or secondary-level education. Despite Nigeria ranking among the lowest in providing employment and opportunities for youth, and despite identifying high costs of living, unemployment, crime and security concerns, poverty, poor economic management practices, and insufficient access to electricity as the top five issues requiring immediate attention from government officials, youth dissatisfaction cannot be considered indifferent. Rather, youth dissatisfaction reflects citizens’ grievances and legitimate reasons to be deeply interested in who governs their country.
However, mere interest alone will not suffice. Democracy does not reward passion without participation. A young person can identify every weakness inherent in a political system; however, unless that person participates by casting a vote, they will remain a spectator to their own future. If you are mature enough to understand concepts such as inflation, insecurity, broken campaign promises, unemployment rates, and poorly managed governance systems, you are mature enough to accept responsibility for your role in creating solutions to those problems. That responsibility begins with voting.
In addition to continuing to use social media to raise awareness of voter registration, election knowledge, fact-checking mechanisms used during elections, and peaceful participation methods, social media can also serve as a vehicle for facilitating the transition from social media activism to actual civic engagement. Young Nigerians should leverage their social media presence to encourage voter registration, promote election literacy programs, provide fact-checking services to counter election misinformation, and advocate for nonviolent participation throughout the electoral cycle. They should convert their social media timelines into civic classrooms. Where can I find the information I need about voter registration processes? Where is my assigned polling station located? Where do I receive my Permanent Voter Card? How do I protect myself from spreading misinformation? How do I properly monitor election results? These are not dull topics; they represent essential tools required for surviving democracy.
Youth organizations, creators, and social media entities can also help facilitate offline civic engagement. Use your WhatsApp groups to alert others as registration deadlines approach. Use X Spaces and Instagram Live to focus on discussing relevant issues rather than hurling insults. Use TikTok to simplify the voting process. Use Facebook to motivate family members and first-time voters to participate in elections. Use whatever platforms are available to make civic obligation contagious. Nigeria’s youth have shown they can create viral content. Now they must begin to generate participation on a viral scale.
One of the most damaging myths in Nigerian politics is that “your vote doesn’t matter.” It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that only serves the interests of cynics, crooks, and machines whose success depends solely on low turnout. Yes, Nigeria’s electoral process has flaws. Yes, there have been numerous disappointments. However, the response to a flawed democracy is not abandonment; it is increased participation. By staying home on Election Day, youth essentially give their votes — and therefore control — directly to the very same groups they loathe.
Another mythological excuse for the youth’s failure to vote in Nigeria is the claim that “all politicians are alike.” No — they’re not all the same. While some politicians are inept, others are corrupt, and others exhibit both characteristics, democracy is not about seeking holy men or women; it is about making selections and enforcing accountability. An individual who refuses to make a selection for office because none of the options appear acceptable is ultimately selecting the candidate most likely to emerge victorious by default.
Nigeria’s youth already constitute the country’s largest demographic group. It is time for them to become its strongest democratic force as well. However, that will not be achieved by trending hashtags alone. Instead, it will be achieved when online energy is harnessed and directed toward political organization, civic education, voter registration, increasing voter turnout, and holding elected representatives accountable after elections.
The 2023 election saw remarkable youth participation but lacked follow-up. Therefore, the 2027 election should not produce another generation of disillusioned observers; instead, it should yield a new generation of participatory citizens. Let online flames ignite electoral power. Let debates become ballots. Let criticism evolve into participation. If Nigerian youth can dominate social media, they can also dominate democracy. The future will not be handed to them in a retweet. They must elect it into existence.
_________
♦ Chris Ulasi is on the Editorial Board of The West African Pilot News. He contributes stories about culture and tradition, elite politics, ethnicity and national integration, civil society, and social movement. He is a university professor, community builder, poet, film producer, recording the emergent Nollywood cultural history through film.
A Chronicle of Community: Tracing the Roots of Amaiyi Igbere
Book Review: The Gospel According to the Grocery Aisle
Wazobia Family Funfair AT 10 – Decade of Family, Culture, and Community
Emotional Conflict: Is She Toying with Me?
Corruption at the Nigerian Consulate Atlanta – A Victim’s Nightmarish Experience
Gowon’s Book and the Dangerous Politics of Selective Memory
Video: Omambala Cultural Association in Houston Celebrates Motherhood with Joyous Igbo-Inspired Mother’s Day Event
VIDEO: Chris Hollins Opens Cartoon Art Showcase at TSU’s CommWeek


