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Anambra: Buhari not in support of emergency rule – Obiano

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…blasts Malami for ignoring north’s insecurity; ….alleges APGA members got N100m to join APC

President Muhammadu Buhari is not in support of a declaration of emergency rule in Anambra State, the Governor, Willie Obiano, on Thursday said.

This is even as he said he has reported the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami to the President for suggesting a possible declaration of emergency rule in the state.

Obiono, made this disclosure while briefing State House Correspondents on the outcome of his visit met with the president in his official residence at the presidential villa, Abuja.

According to him, President Buhari has assured that he was only interested in free and fair election in the November 6 governorship exercise in the state, citing the example of his (president’s) numerous attempts to win election until his fourth try.

Obiano described Malami‘s statement as unfortunate and wondered why he had not contemplated the imposition of emergency rule in northern states where he observed there had been a lot of killings.

The governor said he would call the Attorney General to express his mind to him over the suggestion as he maintained that apart from the recent security crisis, Anambra state had been the most peaceful in the south east.

Obiano said: “I just finished meeting with the president and I mentioned it and the president didn’t suggest that.

“The president is firm, he wants a peaceful election in Anambra state. He wants a free and fair election in Anambra state. That’s the president for you.

“But if people in his party are going around making insinuations, using his name to do things, the president clearly told me that he does not support that full stop.”

Asked to react to Malami’s stance, Obiano said: “Well, that’s a very unfortunate comment by the Attorney-General. Malami. Very, very unfortunate.

“I also reported that to the president and this is not in the books for the president because he knows that Anambra has been the safest state in Nigeria for seven years plus.

“These invaders from outside Anambra state, from the neighbouring towns, we are going to deal with them. We’re already working. There’s nothing.

“Even to contemplate state of emergency is unfortunate. Look at what is happening in the north; they kill dozens every day. Because less than 15 people were killed in Anambra in two weeks, is that a reason for somebody to call for a state of emergency? That’s a very unfortunate comment by Malami.

“I will call him to express reservation on those kinds of comments. He shouldn’t try that.

“Anambra is doing well, and don’t forget that Malami is on the National Campaign Committee for the APC candidate. So, if that’s their strategy, then they failed already. Come to the ballot box, APGA will win and win hands down.

“They are trying to see how they can destabilise us. No! APC has no room in Anambra. There’s no party called APC in Anambra. Anambra is APGA.”

Obiano stressed that what was happening in Anambra state could not be compared with the situation in the northeast where state of emergency had not been considered.

He argued: “Well, when you have malaria and when you have cancer, they are two different treatments. What we have in Anambra is malaria. So, you don’t have to use a sledgehammer to kill that. We are not near, in terms of confusion and security challenges, compared to Zamfara and co. So, they are not good examples.

“They Army, Police, Navy, other arms-bearing people should consider the quantum of force to use. As a strategist, you don’t sit down here and order the army to carry the whole army in Nigeria to go to Anambra.

“In summary, what I’m saying is what is happening in Anambra and this election that must hold. The crisis and challenges are far from being close to challenges in the Northwest and in the Northeast, as the case may be.

“They are not going to use an overwhelming force. That’s what we’re saying, overwhelming force. But use the force required to be able to get the job done.

“The guarantee we are given for this election is that this election will hold, we’ll have enough security to back the people and APGA, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, will be the next governor of Anambra state.”

On Malami’s concerns that his administration might not be able to protect lives and property, he stated: “Let me take the comment on the Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation. The comments by Malami is very unfortunate. He shouldn’t have made that assertion at all because we don’t have any challenge in Anambra.

“What happened for the period of two weeks is just a flash in the pan. Anambra has always been the safest state in Nigeria under my leadership for seven and a half years. So, this little hiccup will not warrant his comment there.

“Why didn’t he make those comments in Kaduna, in Jos, Imo State, in Zamfara? Why is he making that kind of assertion and we have an election by the corner? There’s no reason to make that assertion.”

He added: “What I can tell you is that I’m emboldened by meeting with the president today to confirm to you that Mr President is a fair man, he believes in free and fair election, he doesn’t want intimidation. He used that word to me; he said he does not want anybody to intimidate anybody, that he respects everybody.

“He gave me example that he ran for presidency three times, that it was only on the fourth time he won. So, why should people be forced to do what they don’t want to do?

“So, what these members of his party are doing, the president does not support that. I can tell you that.”

The governor also rejected claims that members of the ruling All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) in the state house of assembly had defected to the All Progressive Congress (APC), saying that what happened was that the members were given N100 million each to join the APC.

He said the members have refused to be bought and have, however, remained in APGA.

Obiano said they have, however, remained in APGA, adding: “Any time, any day, there’s no other party in Anambra. Only APGA, is there’s no APC. It’s not true (that lawmakers defected), It’s not 20 members of the House of Assembly.

“But let me tell you, it’s a ploy. Those people that went to APC now, they went to collect money because they saw the additional money, N100 million each, they are still APGA, they are giving us information on what is happening in APC.”

The Governor said Anambra state under his leadership was doing well, citing some of the achievements by his administration.

He stated: “We are doing well already. Part of the reasons why I came here is to brief some security agencies on efforts I’ve made and to solicit some support in some other areas; the Army, the Navy, the Police in particular. The president also noted that and will give further directives.

“We are getting more boots on ground, we’re getting more equipment and I believe in less than two weeks, all these things will be over. We’ll overwhelm and conquer all these miscreants that came from other states nearby to come and harass Anambra people. Let me stop at saying that they are from neighbouring states.”

Responding to inquiries on the recent killing of Professor Chike Akunyili, he affirmed that his administration had offered the sum of N20 million for information leading to the arrests of perpetrators.

“I believe that N20 million is good enough for people to give us information and as soon as we get that information, we are going to deal ruthlessly with whoever those people are,” he stated.

He said after briefing President Buhari on the political situation in Anambra state, Buhari assured that the November 6 governorship election would hold.

According to him, “after briefing the president on the state of political activities in Anambra, he reassured one more time that election will hold in Anambra state and that the election will be free and fair.

“The president has always made that point and to testify to that. He told me the same during my re-election and APGA won, 21 over 21.”

Culled from the Sun News Nigeria

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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