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Knocks, anger, frustration trail independence celebration

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Mixed reactions bordering on anger, frustration and outright despondency, today trail Nigeria’s 61st Independence anniversary with a resonating conclusion among many prominent Nigerians that the country has substantially failed to meet the aspiration of its founding fathers.

Those interviewed told Daily Sun that rather than celebrate today, it should be a time for sober reflections on the journey so far. They also believe that only such deep reflections would produce the needed panacea for the myriads of maladies bedeviling the country at present.

Nigerians should mourn 61 years of backwardness –Ezeife

Former governor of Anambra State, Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife believes that Nigeria has not made any progress in its 61-year chequered history as an independent nation. To him, Nigerians should be mourning 61 years of backward growth and not celebrate failure. “It has been 61 years of non-achievement; everything is comprehensively going negative. “We have been saying the same thing for many years without any result. So, it is quite unfortunate and saddening that instead of growing forward, we have been growing backward,” he said.

Military cause of our woes –Yakasai

Elder statesman and Second Republic Presidential Adviser, Tanko Yakasai has blamed military involvement in politics for Nigeria’s economic and political misfortunes.

He said the dreams of Nigeria’s founding fathers could have been substantially realised if civilians were allowed to remain in the leadership of the country..

Alhaji Yakasai affirmed that Nigeria has not been able to exploit its full potentials and stressed that military intervention in politics had stalled the pace of rapid growth and development that heralded Independence.

“So far, we have not achieved what we had hoped to achieve. What brought about this? There is no doubt that it was the military’s intervention into the politics of Nigeria.

“If political parties had been allowed to flourish uninterrupted, perhaps we would have been closer to our dreams. I have said this before that what we are operating is a military constitution and not a civilian one. And that the set of real civilians that came to power since 1999 to date are few. A lot of them came to power through the instrumentality of the good offices of the military.

“From 1999 to date , we have had four Presidents – Obasanjo , Buhari, Jonathan and Yar’Adua, that is two from the North and two from the South. The question is why is it that these people were not able to make progress? The answer is that these political parties were not the creation of the people of Nigeria. They were the creation of military fiat.

“I was a member of one of the two political parties at the time of their creation and I know how the two political parties came to be through the intervention of the military.

“And you should note that the richest people in Nigeria are either the military or the people who are close to the military.  So, until we create a situation whereby we have political parties who are the creation of the people, we may not be there.

“The trouble is that the military had tasted power and they do not want to leave the stage or to do without it.”

Speaking on the growing agitation for secession and break up of Nigeria by different groups in the country years after independence, Yakasai admitted that there were calls for seperation but added that, “The people who are making this call for separation are the minority, not ethnic minority, but numerical minority when compared to those who are not opposed to the oneness of the country”.

He added: “Younger people who got university education and hoped to get jobs, but the system has not provided jobs for them. The opportunities are not there, a reason they resort to this call for separation”.

“The matured people like Edwin Clerk and Adebanjo and all those who are in the vanguard for the restructuring of Nigeria, I have been asking  them to produce a road map of what they meant by restructuring,  to provide us with a blue print for a restructured Nigeria.

“You cannot just go about calling for a restructured Nigeria without telling the people exactly what you mean by restructuring and how the country should be recreated and this is the result of the restructuring. I still have hope in Nigeria as a united country, I have hope in Nigeria because nobody has been able to produce an alternative to the Nigeria project”

Nigeria has not been fair to ordinary man –Ambassador Yahaya Kwande

Former Ambassador to Switzerland, said he was not happy and that the nation has been unfair to the ordinary Nigerians.

He said: “When we took over the government from the colonial masters in the 60s compared with the development that we have now, we should have been placed better than where we are today. This is because we haven’t added much; but people will see that there is much in the sense of the numbers of schools. There used to be only one secondary school in the whole of Northern Nigeria, today we have millions, not thousands but the quality of people produced in that millions schools you cannot compare it with what it used to be.

“We have been very careless, we misunderstand what is a government, we seem not to understand what is a government. Government is to look after the welfare of the people it is governing; see about their health, see about their security, see about the education of their children so that we can progress. But is it what we are doing. How can you have somebody who is coming from secondary school that cannot spell right and cannot make correct sentence or whatever language he is learning?

There are no teachers; we just park children into dilapidated schools under trees. To school under trees would have been 50 or 100 years back now. We should be ashamed about our education and the environment we teach, we are going backward and backward.”

It’s morally wrong to celebrate; Nigeria has retrogressed – Shettima

For the president of the Arewa Youths Consultative Forum, Alhaji Yerima Shettima, it is morally wrong to celebrate because there is no reason for that. He said Nigerians could only pray to God for at least holding the various ethnic nationalities together as an entity for the past 61 years.

He said what Nigerians need to do instead is to reflect soberly and change the governance pattern of this country. He said: “All hands must be on deck because actually there is nothing to blow trumpet for. This is the moment of silence, sober reflection and prayer to remain together as a country, because the signs of divisions are so clear that even the blind can see.”

It should be a period of lamentations –Middle Belt Forum

President of the Middle Belt Forum, Dr. Pogu Bitrus, also believes that there is nothing to celebrate except to observe that the country has added one year to its age. He noted that instead of celebration, it calls for lamentation.

“Yes, when we say we have added one year, why not, we can celebrate. But, the indices on ground do not call for celebration; rather it calls for reflections and even lamentations because instead of addressing our problems and moving forward, we are adding to our problems; creating divisions rather than cohesion among ourselves,” he said.

Nigeria is moving anti-clockwise

– Ohanaeze

For the National Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Alex Ogbonnia, there is nothing to celebrate because the country is on the reverse gear; a sign that portends negative tendencies in the land

“Evidently, there is no way Nigeria can cope with what is happening. Nigeria is moving anti-clockwise because the leadership doesn’t have direction. The leaders don’t want to do the right thing. They think that governance is orchestrated by punishing a section of the people in this country but that is not the way because things are actually going bad,” he said.

Chief Goddy Uwazurike, lawyer, former President of Aka Ikenga

For Uwazuruike, “Nigeria is suffering from arrested development. At 61, this country ought to have moved smoothly from the colonial motherhood to the stage of a grandfather. The refusal to develop has resulted in a leap from pediatric adulthood to retrogressive degeneration.”

The journey has been tough –Debo Adeniran, activist, anti corruption crusader

Adeniran said the journey has been tough and rough, but argued that it is not peculiar to Nigeria.

He however said: “Our problem of development is due to the way our independence was secured. The colonialists handpicked those they wanted to succeed them and empowered them economically and politically to the detriment of the people. This empowerment is what they have used to perpetuate themselves in power. Those that tried to change the parameters on which the colonial masters want Nigeria to be run on were not allowed to win election; those of them that managed to win election were not allowed to rule. That was why MKO Abiola was not allowed to rule because they saw him as a game changer who will likely betray what they think is the interest of the ruling elite.

“The changes that could have happened were truncated by political animosity, that is the reason we are still having it rough after 61 years.

“Nigerians have not really decided how they want their lives to be administered and that is why there is little or no sense of belonging in the leadership process which has made it difficult for the people to repose adequate trust on the leaders; there is mutual suspicion between the leadership and the followership. I believe that the present administration means well, but they are overwhelmed by those who do not mean well for the country. Every effort made towards getting things right has been sabotaged by those who do not mean well for the country. That is where we are as a country, it is a dangerous precipice.”

Our diversity still remains our greatest strength –Musa Rafsanjani

Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, Executive Director Cvil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre( CISLAC) / Chairman Transition Monitoring Group (TMG)

Nigeria as a nation has come a long way growing in leaps and bounds. 61 years since independence and we are still together, a nation of diverse ethnic groups and cultures and religions. Our diversity still remains our greatest  strength. The Minister of Finance , Budget and National Planning recently stated that excruciating poverty in Nigeria was responsible for widespread insecurity. In the North, we have banditry, herdsmen and farmer clashes and Boko Haram; in the South West, we have kidnappings and ritual killings; in the South South, we have militancy and kidnappings while in the South East, we have the IPOB threatening violent cessation, kidnapping and robbery.

“All these have greatly affected the fundamental human rights of citizens and instilled fear. A lot of families feed below a dollar per day; the rate of unemployment keeps growing. The standard of education in the country has crashed drastically; the health sector is far below average with our government schools and hospitals in very terrible states while university lecturers and health workers are constantly on strike because government has failed to take care of their welfare.”

Culled from the Sun News Nigeria

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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