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POSN Austria asks PDP and APC to withdraw from 2023 presidential race for LP

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3 years ago

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From Uzoma Ahamefule (Vienna, Austria)The Peter Obi Support Network (POSN) Austria reprimands Bola Ahmed Tinubu of APC and Atiku Abubakar of PDP for what the group described as “continuous unwarranted verbal attacks and derogatory statements on Peter Obi and the Labour Party.The group also asks APC and PDP to withdraw their candidates from the 2023 presidential election for lack of vision and in the best interest of Nigeria and to support Obi and Ahmed.In a statement signed on behalf of the group by Prince Dyke Anyanwu, Mag. Leonard Kazie Obiagwu and Uzoma Ahamefule, the convener, it says, “… ‘Only trees that bear fruits get stoned’ ”.“Atiku Abubakar, Bola Tinubu and their two parasitic parties (PDP and APC) know the value of Peter Obi and that is why they have kept on attacking him unnecessarily just to see if they could bruise his soaring image and personality. But no one can stop an idea its time has come. The more they attack Obi, the more they make him popular.“For the unity, peace, progress and general interest of Nigeria, we call on APC and PDP to look into the mirror, examine themselves very well and withdraw their presidential flag bearers from the 2023 presidential election and support Peter Obi and Datti Baba-Ahmed or get ready to be disgraced. We kindly appeal to Tinubu to jettison his self acclaimed “life time ambition” and accept to step down because the reality is that nature has turned against the desire. In the same vain too, Atiku should gently forget the desperation of wanting to become a president. Events have overtaken having a president like him who does not think of ranching but rather still believes in rearing cows from Sokoto to Benue, Ogun States and to cities like Abagana and Benin etc. without minding the millions worth of crops they have destroyed, people they have rendered jobless, homeless, useless and killed because of this analog way of life.Tinubu had during the campaigning period of the just concluded Osun governorship election made not only a derogatory remark by calling the Labour Party a “mushroom” party, but he also made a shocking and embarrassing statement that members of the Labour Party “will labour till they die.“ On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar of PDP in his own delusions of grandeur a few days ago said he really did not expect the Labour Party to get respectable votes as people think, because “They have no structure at all levels, with no governor, and lawmakers”. In his bid to further belittle LP and play down the mammoth crowd that follows Obi as only on social media, he ended up exposing his failure.“In the northern part of the country, about 90 per cent of the people don’t have access to social media. Most of the electorates are not on social media,” Atiku said. For Atiku who was a vice president for eight years to make such a lousy statement shows the kind of a leader he was and why the northern part of Nigeria remains not only the poorest in the country but equally one of the most backward in the world. Atiku should tell us what he achieved as a vice president for the northern people that should make them trust him again?Tinubu’s deliberate action not to tell Nigerians the schools he attended and when he finished is a reminiscent of Buhari’s primary school certificate saga in 2014 where instead of him (Buhari) providing his certificate as requested by law, he went on to spend millions of the Nigerians’ tax payers money to employ SANs to defend him from answering a very simply question of: where is your certificate? And as a people we are yet to overcome the colossal effect of that quagmire and cannot afford to take the same path again. Therefore, Nigerian people have resolved never again will they allow someone who cannot simply tell them the primary and the secondary schools he attended and show them the certificates.If one had a few months ago told Bola Ahmed Tinubu of APC and Atiku Abubakar of PDP that they would today be acting like opposition parties to the Labour Party – or consider Peter Obi as torn in their flesh that would cause them sleepless nights – they would not have believed. How could they have? Because they believed that they were the only two parties that could challenge each other, that they had buildings as structures in every part of Nigeria, and that they had the money to influence and curry any political favor they want, but the reality of the huge followership of Peter Obi in every part of Nigeria has destabilized and shocked them, and it seems very difficult for them to accept the hard truth.Take this message to all the Nigerian political parties and their presidential flag bearers and tell them to wake up from their delusional slumbers of thinking that when they shamelessly make Obi their cardinal points of campaign of disparagement in any given opportunity Nigerians will hate him. Tell them also not to be deceived by the Osun State governorship election results because Osun people voted Adeleke and not PDP, the same way Nigerians will vote for Obi and Ahmed in 2023, and that they should be prepared for fantastic defeats.In their archaic method of campaigning, the camp of APC’s Tinubu is packaging rice and garri in nylon bags, and perhaps would give tokens for tomatoes when the time comes as political strategies to win the vote of Nigerians, and they are in competition with PDP’s serial presidential contestant, Atiku Abubakar, of who would give more rice and beans. These two failed political parties have nothing to offer Nigerians at the center, and they are consciously aware that Nigerians have woken up and that every plan of vote buying will fail, hence they are jittery, making rascal statements and telling lies against Peter Obi, the most popular and accepted candidate across the nation. Nigerians must reject every “Greek gift” they plan to offer during campaign and election times proper.“The collective decision of Nigerians to take back their country and to get out from the state of corruption, retrogression and abyss caused by PDP and APC is heightened by everyday events. And this resoluteness is closing up the nostril of PDP and APC that has irredeemably forced them into a very uncomfortable situation and they are choking,” said POSN Austria.The group (POSN – Austria) said they would be having their inaugural online zoom meeting this coming Sunday (31.07.22), by 7PM Nigeria time and 8PM Austrian time and urge the public especially those living in Austria to join the meeting.

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Houston

Turnout, Trust, and Ground Game: What Decided Houston’s Runoff Elections

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6 days ago

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December 14, 2025

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Low-turnout runoff races for Houston City Council and Houston Community College trustee seats revealed how message discipline, local credibility, and voter mobilization determined clear winners—and decisive losers.

The final ballots are counted, and Houston’s runoff elections have delivered clear outcomes in two closely watched local races, underscoring a familiar truth of municipal politics: in low-turnout elections, organization and credibility matter more than name recognition alone.

In the race for Houston City Council At-Large Position 4, Alejandra Salinas secured a decisive victory, winning 25,710 votes (59.27%) over former council member Dwight A. Boykins, who garnered 17,669 votes (40.73%). The margin was not accidental. Salinas ran a campaign tightly aligned with voter anxiety over public safety and infrastructure—two issues that consistently dominate Houston’s civic conversations. Her emphasis on keeping violent criminals off city streets and expanding Houston’s water supply spoke directly to quality-of-life concerns that resonate across districts, especially in an at-large contest where candidates must appeal to the city as a whole.

Salinas’ win reflects the advantage of message clarity. In a runoff, voters are not looking to be introduced to candidates—they are choosing between candidates they are already familiar with. Salinas presented herself as forward-looking and solutions-oriented, while Boykins, despite his experience and political history, struggled to reframe his candidacy beyond familiarity. In runoffs, nostalgia rarely outperforms momentum.

The second race—for Houston Community College District II trustee—followed a similar pattern. Renee Jefferson Patterson won with 2,497 votes (56.63%), defeating Kathleen “Kathy” Lynch Gunter, who received 1,912 votes (43.37%). Though the raw numbers were smaller, the dynamics were just as telling.

Patterson’s victory was powered by deep local ties and a clear institutional vision. As an HCC alumna, she effectively positioned herself as both a product and a steward of the system. Her pledge to expand the North Forest Campus and direct resources to Acres Home connected policy goals to place-based advocacy. In trustee races, voters often respond less to ideology and more to proximity—those who understand the campus, the students, and the neighborhood. Patterson checked all three boxes.

By contrast, Gunter’s loss highlights the challenge of overcoming a candidate with genuine community roots in a runoff scenario. Without a sharply differentiated message or a strong geographic base, turnout dynamics tend to favor candidates with existing neighborhood networks and direct institutional relevance.

What ultimately decided both races was not a surprise, but execution. Runoffs reward campaigns that can re-mobilize supporters, simplify their message, and convert familiarity into trust. Salinas and Patterson did exactly that. Their opponents, though credible, were unable to expand or energize their coalitions in a compressed electoral window.

The lesson from Houston’s runoff elections is straightforward but unforgiving: winners win because they align message, identity, and ground game. Losers lose because, in low-turnout contests, anything less than that alignment is insufficient.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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6 days ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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Bizarre Epstein files reference to Trump, Putin, and oral sex with ‘Bubba’ draws scrutiny in Congress

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1 month ago

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November 14, 2025

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The latest tranche of emails from the estate of late convicted pedophile Jeffrey Epstein includes one that contains what appear to be references to President Donald Trump allegedly performing oral sex, raising questions the committee cannot answer until the Department of Justice turns over records it has withheld, says U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia, the top Democrat on the House Oversight Committee.

Garcia insists the Trump White House is helping block them.

In a Friday afternoon interview with The Advocate, the out California lawmaker responded to a 2018 exchange, which was included in the emails released, between Jeffrey Epstein and his brother, Mark Epstein. In that message, Mark wrote that because Jeffrey Epstein had said he was with former Trump adviser Steve Bannon, he should “ask him if Putin has the photos of Trump blowing Bubba.”

“Bubba” is a nickname former President Bill Clinton has been known by; however, the email does not clarify who Mark Epstein meant, and the context remains unclear.

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