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Nigeria: Resolving the so-called ‘Igbo Problem’

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To paraphrase Karl Marx, there is a spectre haunting Nigeria – the spectre of disintegration. At no time has the presence of this spectre being so palpably felt than in the last three months.

Every day, the front pages of Nigeria’s newspapers are filled with reports of abductions, kidnappings for ransom, political assassinations, etc. Rather than design and promulgate policies to arrest the deterioration, President Buhari and his aides have been busy searching for people and groups to blame. It is clear to any objective observer that the president has lost control of the country.

Biafra is an idea, a dream, founded on a shared sense of loss, grief and victimhood.

The Indigenous People of Biafra

Of all the groups alleged to be threatening Nigeria at the moment, none appears to be causing as much concern to the current administration as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a radical breakaway faction of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) – an openly secessionist movement whose aim is to “restore the independent state of Biafra” in the mainly Igbo-speaking south-east region.

IPOB is not the only secessionist movement in Nigeria; there is also one in the west – the Oodua Republic movement. Technically, Boko Haram, the extremist Islamic group that has terrorised the northeastern part of Nigeria for more than a decade with aims to create an Islamic State in the territory of Nigeria, is another secessionist group. But none vexes the Nigerian government and some elements in northern Nigeria like IPOB and the Igbo tribe.

For many jobless, disenfranchised jobless Igbo youth, Biafra has become an idea, a dream, an imagined better place than a Nigeria that has shuttered opportunities for them. Unfortunately, Nigerian authorities and Igbo leaders have failed to recogniSe the new meaning of Biafra as an idea, an aspiration, similar in emotive power as “Next year in Jerusalem” was and remains for Jews all over the world.

Biafra is an idea, a dream, founded on a shared sense of loss, grief and victimhood. IPOB, driven by this idea, is seen by Nigerian authorities as a strong challenge to the state.

The agitation for Biafra as the most visible expression of the endless but legitimate complaints by Igbo of marginalisation by Nigeria has created what I would call the “Igbo problem.”

The “Igbo problem”

Some commentators have argued that the “Igbo problem” was created by the Igbo themselves – that it is an injury that Igbos inflicted on themselves by staging the first coup d’état in 1966 and then trying to secede from the federation, leading the country to wage war against them.

According to these commentators, the Igbo Problem dates back to January 1966 and the civil war that followed. Perhaps so. However, this view has elements of revisionism. There were pogroms against Ndi’igbo (Igbo people) way before Nigeria became an independent country.

No one will win the argument about which ethnic group is accountable or responsible for the many difficulties of Nigeria and its failure thus far to be a successful country. A debate about the incompetence of the current federal government has quickly degenerated to one of mutual hurling of insults across ethnic lines.

Nigeria is not working for most Nigerians.

All ethnic groups are affected by the poor state of governance in Nigeria today and are protesting. The most intriguing thing is the discriminatory attitude of the federal government to particular protests and other threats to the integrity of the country.

Killings by Fulani herdsmen appears to be tolerable but protests by IPOB about the status (and conditions) of Ndi’igbo in Nigeria are without hesitation classified as a threat of the highest level to national security by the current administration.

The agitation in the south-east is now presented by some sections of the country as worse than the longstanding brutal, extremist Islamic insurgency in the north-east, as well as the unbridled banditry and the modern-day inter-tribal wars in southern Kaduna and Plateau State.

Hostages of the Nigerian state and economy, some Igbo “leaders” have condemned IPOB and its paramilitary wing –  Eastern Security Network (ESN), much more vehemently and unreservedly than many northern Nigeria leaders have condemned Boko Haram in ten years.

Nigeria is not working for most Nigerians. Many of the youth, whether Igbo, Yoruba, Izon, or Tivi, do not see any future in the country. Those able to leaving. There has to be a stop to this under-performance. If something is not working, it is futile to continue to expend precious and scarce time and resources on it.

How can Nigeria work?

One way to get Nigeria to work for Nigerians could be for “Nigerians” who hate Ndi’igbo to just expel them since they are believed by some powerful segments to be the country’s problem.

There is no reason to continue to co-habit the same political space with “irritants, endless agitators, criminals, and impossible-to-satisfy-secessionists” as some northern Nigerian groups have described Ndi’igbo. The expulsion of Ndi’Igbo from Nigeria could be by a vote in both houses of the National Assembly,

No referendum would be required. Convene a joint session of the National Assembly and take an up and down vote on whether Ndi’Igbo should continue to be a part of Nigeria.Expulsion will be an infinitely better option than another civil war. A vote in the National Assembly will infinitely cost less in terms of lives and treasure than a referendum.

There is no profit in staying in a toxic relationship and hoping that it will, perhaps by the grace of God, improve sometime in the future.

History provides some examples of successful expulsions of “irritant” communities. On 9 August 1965, Malaysia expelled Singapore and it is today a very successful economy, as is Malaysia.The Chinese Communist Party expelled the Kuomintang to Taiwan, and both mainland China and Taiwan have done well. The list goes on.

Nigeria will be “much better, more cohesive and prosperous, more focused without Ndi’igbo.” All the recent anti-Igbo statements from high-ranking officials in the Buhari administration suggest it could be.

Nigeria should thus let the Ndi’igbo go peacefully so that it can focus on building a much greater and better Nigeria. That would be the best thing to do under the current circumstances. It is certainly better than operating a suboptimal entity lacking in mutual trust with endless hurling of recriminations and antagonisms.

This is not a radical idea. I am proposing a feasible solution to a seemingly endless/intractable problem. There is no profit in staying in a toxic relationship and hoping that it will, perhaps by the grace of God, improve sometime in the future. There is no point in hoping for this as the national leadership is not making any good faith effort in that direction. Nigeria will not progress as fast as it ought to as long as the Igbo “continue to hold her down with their never-ending irritating conduct.”

Nigeria, since she appears unwilling to grant Ndi’igbo full citizenship rights, should have the courage to bring a peaceful end to the “Igbo problem”. Either accept Ndi’igbo as Nigerians with the full prerogatives, rights and responsibilities of citizenship, or expel them from the federation – let them go to either succeed or fail.

And note, just as Israel has not succeeded in subduing Hamas by force, so the Buhari administration will be unable to subdue IPOB. The reason is simple – Biafra is an idea and the only way to counter an idea is with a superior idea.

The federal government must make a strong case for Nigerian unity. The Buhari administration perhaps thinks that asserting that the unity of Nigeria is non-negotiable is sufficient. It deludes itself. It should look at the USSR, former Czechoslovakia, former Yugoslavia and the ongoing efforts by Scotland to secede from the UK after more than 300 years of union.

Bottom line

The decision of the federal government to direct the Nigerian armed forces to bomb Eastern Nigeria to flush out the abominable secessionist IPOB is unwarranted and unfair.

It exposes everyone in the region to military action. Yet not every Igbo is in IPOB/ESN or even a sympathiser. It is also resulting in the loss of life and assets and cannot therefore be an idea superior to the idea of “Biafra, a state of our own where we will be treated with dignity and respect as full citizens.”

One Nigeria is increasingly a tall challenge because the idea does not hold great appeal for many young people from the south of the country, especially Igbo youth. Do not get me wrong: I do not advocate the splintering of Nigeria into separate sovereignties. I want a united, progressive and stable Nigeria.

I want to remain Nigerian. But it must be a Nigeria that works for everyone, for all of us, a Nigeria where everyone’s right to full citizenship is not abridged or circumscribed in any way, either wittingly or unwittingly by race, religion, or ethnicity or by the government; a Nigeria with constituent parts that are respectful of each other.

A Nigeria that fails to guarantee full citizenship rights to all its citizens will remain an arena of endless protests and conflicts. And that Nigeria is unlikely to achieve her potentials and arrive at her destiny.

Culled from the Africa Report

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Enugu Revenue Leader Details Tax Plans, Commits to Responsible Fund Management

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In a bid to address rising public concerns and social media speculations about taxation in Enugu State, the Executive Chairman of the Enugu State Internal Revenue Service (ESIRS), Emmanuel Nnamani, has provided clarifications on the government’s tax policies. During a press briefing in Enugu, Nnamani dismissed what he described as “false and misleading claims” and reassured residents that the government’s fiscal operations are firmly rooted in law, transparency, and public good.

Clarifying Misinformation and Affirming Legality

Nnamani opened the session by stressing that no taxes or levies in Enugu State are imposed outside the provisions of the law. “Taxes and revenues in Enugu State remain within the limits of the law. We do not impose any levies outside what the law permits,” he stated, pointing to the Personal Income Tax Act (as amended) as the guiding legal framework.

He explained that the ESIRS collects personal income tax through two lawful means: Pay-As-You-Earn (PAYE) for those in formal employment, and Direct Assessment for informal sector workers. While compliance among salaried workers has been largely smooth, the agency sometimes employs legal enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance among self-employed individuals.

Formalising the Informal Sector

A key challenge, he noted, has been bringing the informal sector—especially market traders and transport operators—into the formal tax net. Upon assuming office, his administration discovered that an overwhelming 99% of informal sector actors were not remitting taxes to the state, largely due to the disruptive influence of non-state actors engaged in illegal collections.

In response, the government introduced a consolidated ₦36,000 annual levy for market traders. This amount, payable between January and March, covers all relevant state-level charges, including those by the Enugu State Waste Management Agency (ESWAMA), Enugu State Structures for Signage and Advertisement Agency (ENSSAA), storage fees, and business premises levies. “Once this amount is paid between January and March, the trader owes nothing else for that year,” Nnamani clarified. Traders who fail to pay by March 31 are subject to enforcement.

For street vendors operating outside structured markets, an annual levy of ₦30,000 applies, with ESWAMA charges handled separately. Transport operators such as Okada riders, Keke drivers, minibuses, tankers, and trucks pay via a daily ticketing system.

A Human-Faced Approach to Enforcement

Although the law allows for a 10% penalty on unpaid tax and an interest charge tied to the Central Bank’s Monetary Policy Rate of 27.5%, Nnamani disclosed that the state has adopted a softer, pro-business approach. Instead of the full punitive charges, a flat ₦3,000 penalty is applied in most informal sector cases to promote ease of doing business and encourage voluntary compliance.

Taxation and the Cost of Rent

Addressing growing concerns over rising rent, Nnamani rejected claims linking the trend to state tax policies. He described the issue as a national challenge influenced by supply and demand, rather than fiscal policy.

Citing personal experiences dating back to 2015, he observed that a shift in private development preference – from rental apartments to gated residential estates – has contributed to the housing squeeze. “If we had more high-rise buildings, rent would drop,” he noted. The state government, he added, is taking proactive steps through the Ministry of Housing and Housing Development Corporation to build mass housing and student hostels near institutions like ESUT and IMT, freeing up central city housing and helping moderate rents.

Technology, Transparency, and Trust

In line with its commitment to transparency and digital innovation, the ESIRS has launched a tax calculator on its official portal – www.irs.en.gov.ng – allowing residents to compute their taxes with ease and clarity. “This is about transparency and giving our people confidence,” he said, inviting residents to compare Enugu’s tools with those in more advanced states like Lagos.

Understanding the Cost of Development

Responding to concerns that Enugu has become one of Nigeria’s most expensive states, Nnamani acknowledged the perception but clarified that the temporary inflation is largely demand-driven. With Enugu undertaking widespread infrastructural renewal – including smart schools, primary health centres, and hospitality infrastructure – the surge in construction activity has led to increased demand for building materials like granite and rods, which are sourced from other states.

“Once these projects are completed, demand will drop, and prices will stabilise,” he assured. He emphasised that the projects are visible testaments to what taxpayers’ money can achieve when properly managed.

A Call for Mutual Understanding and Civic Partnership

More than a tax clarification, Nnamani’s address served as a reminder of the symbiotic relationship between citizens and government. He appealed for public understanding, noting that when citizens fulfil their tax obligations, the government can, in turn, provide essential services and infrastructure that uplift everyone.

His message was clear: responsible taxation, managed transparently and invested wisely, is the bedrock of sustainable development. From roads to schools and healthcare to housing, Enugu State is demonstrating how taxpayers’ money, when efficiently deployed, can improve lives and build the future.

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The Leadership Deficit: Why African Governance Lacks Philosophical Grounding

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Leadership across nations is shaped not only by policies but by the quality of the individuals at the helm. History has shown that the most transformative leaders often draw from deep wells of ethical, philosophical, and strategic thought. Yet, in many African countries—and Nigeria in particular—there appears to be a crisis in the kind of men elevated to govern. This deficit is not merely political; it is intellectual, philosophical, and deeply structural.

There is a compelling correlation between the absence of foundational wisdom and the type of leaders Nigeria consistently produces. Compared to their counterparts in other parts of the world, Nigerian leaders often appear fundamentally unprepared to govern societies in ways that foster justice, progress, or stability.

Consider the Middle East—nations like the UAE and Qatar—where governance is often rooted in Islamic principles. While these societies are not without flaws, their leaders have harnessed religious teachings as frameworks for nation-building, modern infrastructure, and citizen welfare. Ironically, many of Nigeria’s military and political leaders also profess Islam, yet the application of its ethical standards in public governance is nearly non-existent. This raises a troubling question: is the practice of religion in African politics largely symbolic, devoid of actionable moral guidance?

Take China as another case study. In the last four decades, China’s leadership has lifted over 800 million people out of poverty—an unprecedented feat in human history. While authoritarian in structure, China’s model demonstrates a deep philosophical commitment to collective progress, discipline, and strategic long-term planning. In Western democracies, especially post-World War II, leaders often emerged with strong academic backgrounds in philosophy, economics, or history—disciplines that sharpen the mind and cultivate vision.

In stark contrast, African leaders—particularly in Nigeria—are more often preoccupied with short-term political survival than long-term national transformation. Their legacy is frequently one of mismanagement, unsustainable debt, and structural decay. Nigeria, for example, has accumulated foreign loans that could take generations to repay, yet there is little visible infrastructure or social development to justify such liabilities. Inflation erodes wages, and basic public services remain in collapse. This cycle repeats because those in power often lack not just technical competence, but the moral and intellectual depth to lead a modern nation.

At the heart of the crisis is a lack of philosophical inquiry. Philosophy teaches reasoning, ethics, and the nature of justice—skills that are essential for public leadership. Nigerian leaders, by and large, are disconnected from such traditions. Many have never seriously engaged with political theory, ethical discourse, or economic philosophy. Without this grounding, leadership becomes a matter of brute power, not enlightened governance.

The crisis of leadership in Africa is not solely one of corruption or bad policy—it is one of intellectual emptiness. Until African nations, especially Nigeria, begin to value and cultivate leaders who are intellectually rigorous and philosophically grounded, the continent will remain caught in cycles of poverty and poor governance. True leadership requires more than charisma or military rank—it demands the wisdom to govern a society with justice, vision, and moral clarity. Without this, the future remains perilously fragile.

♦ Dominic Ikeogu is a social and political commentator based in Minneapolis, USA.

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ADC & 2027: Is this alliance strong enough to dismantle APC & defeat Tinubu?

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It will not be easy to defeat Tinubu and the APC

Let me emphatically state without any ambiguity that for the opposition to make President Tinubu lose grip of Aso Rock in 2027 and force him to the status of a “former president” is a herculean task that requires more than defeating him in polling booths. Anyone who has followed President Tinubu’s political success from Lagos to Abuja will agree that he is a master of Nigerian politics. Therefore, to take power away from him, the opposition members must understand that the hurdle facing them is not child’s play but a huge political combat.

But yes, of course, the alliance of ADC without any doubt is very capable of defeating President Tinubu and sending APC out of Aso Rock, but caution must not be thrown to the wind – members of the party must be self-examining, honest, holistic, and critical in taking decisions without sentiments.

Why Peter Obi is the best choice for the ADC alliance

In all fairness, there are notable political heavyweights in this alliance, but if a square peg must be put in a square hole, considering records and national acceptance, Obi currently is the most popular accepted politician in Nigeria and should be the choice of ADC.

We must say it as it is, Obi is not a perfect human being, but in the annals of Nigerian politics, no one, dead or alive,/has the kind of political records he has, and this has endeared him to the hearts of millions of Nigerians. He is just real and different. Whether he is in a public service or in a private business, Obi has remained who he is: humane, caring, humble, civil, considerate, fair, and incorruptible.

In 2023, many did not give him any chance when he left PDP to join Labour Party, but for his character, competence, and transparency, etc. Nigerians not only followed him as a man of honour, but they also spent their money in his campaign throughout the country. It was a generally held view by the majority that he defeated President Tinubu in 2023, allegedly.

If Obi is not part of this political alignment, the best way I would describe the coalition would be an “old wine in a new bottle”, because the new bottle cannot make the old wine taste differently. There is no one in the alliance that we do not know his/her history and political antecedents. WHILE many of them are desperadoes and manipulators, and the reason we do not have Nigeria Airways and constant electricity, etc., many owe Nigerians an explanation of those stealing our gold, etc., in Zamfara State.

What I dread about the coalition

My fear is that I am constantly seeing the hands of Esau but hearing the voice of Jacob in the alliance. I say so because I have seen mischievous steps selfishly played out that are politically suicidal to the alliance and that will not be good for the interests of all Nigerians.

If Nigerians were to choose who will be the candidate of ADC, I am pretty sure that Obi would have an easy ride, but here only party agents will, and that is where the danger lies. Obi, we all know, is not ready to bribe anyone to vote for him because he sees politics as a service to the people and not a business. Owing to this reason, many say he is stingy, and I was in total shock and disappointed the day I saw Barr. Kenneth Okonkwo reprimanded Obi on national television for the same reason. But it is what it is, and I will leave that for another day. Obi is not a desperate politician, and this is one of the things that has differentiated him from others and why we Nigerians really want him.

I am frightened that Obi may be schemed out as the ADC presidential candidate. But let me re-echo this as a warning. If Mr. Peter Obi does not emerge as the candidate of the coalition or is forced to walk out of the alliance, the coalition becomes toothless, what late veteran football commentator Ernest Okonkwo would have described as “beautiful nonsense”. It will make the participation of ADC in 2027 a mere political exercise that will end in futility as long as the presidential election is concerned. And if, for any reason, Obi agrees to be a running mate to anyone, I will withdraw my support from him and give it to President Tinubu.

Mr. Peter Obi, Sir, you are not ready to buy the agents, and many of the agents seem not ready to vote for you either because of your kind of politics of “I will not give shi shi”. Games are already on. Are you ready for this coalition? Did you consider very well, and the coalition was not a trap for you, Sir? Because members of the alliance know that you are the most acceptable Nigerian politician currently and the only person the majority of Nigerians want. They are consciously aware that without you, they cannot defeat APC and President Tinubu, hence the ploy with the alliance. Furthermore, they know you will not try to influence the conscience of any party agent to vote for you during the primary; therefore, they will take advantage of that and influence the agents against you. Please, Sir, if you feel what I suspect, kindly withdraw from the alliance even before the primary. You are the hope of millions of Nigerians, and anywhere you go, we are sincerely willing to follow you.

Why the coalition should be encouraged

Irrespective of my expressed fear, the coalition is a good one. But let me re-emphasize that the mission of ADC members to wrestle power out of the hands of Mr. President in 2027 is like one going into a lion’s den to take its meat. It will not be easy. To get this accomplished, members of the party must make sacrifices and be willing to do away with selfishness. Mr. President is a man who knows how to compensate and care for those supporting him, like he has done to Nyesom Wike, the FCT Minister.

Wike, who may become a victim of his own political arrogance, could be consumed by his overzealousness to be a president one day, and will go to any political extent to make sure that his launch is not taken away from his mouth. And there are many Wikes around Mr. President. The mistake someone like Atiku made was not ensuring that Wike was forced out of the PDP before he left. His continuous stay in PDP is not politically good for ADC’s coalition. I will not be surprised if PDP’s structures are used in supporting APC in 2027 at some point. Consequently, it is a requisite without option that members of the alliance tenaciously combine their resources and strength together for the battle ahead without betraying each other. They must proportionately be prepared to match Mr. President and APC strategy-to-strategy, propaganda-to-propaganda, intimidation-to-intimidation, and force-to-force, etc. That is the only way President Tinubu and the APC could be beaten to submission.

Long, incredible processes an election winner must go through, or else he /she will be declared the loser.

In Nigeria, it absurdly seems like even winning all polling booths in an election is not enough for one to be announced a winner by the electoral umpire INEC (Independent National Electoral Commission). Why? Because there appear to be three stages, the candidates must first struggle with and overcome.

Stage (1): The candidate, his/her political party, and their agents must first of all make sure that the ballot boxes are safely transported from the polling booths to their designated collation centres without being hijacked by thugs or hired hoodlums and swerved with manipulated and stuffed boxes.

Stage (2): They must equally make sure that at the collation centres, the real figures are correctly computed without alteration.

Stage (3) – INEC: Here, the party agents must be very vigilant and ensure that the real figures, deprived of Tippex and cancellation of digits, are actually submitted without extra zeros and numbers added or removed. This becomes crucial in view of what happened in 2023, where INEC’s IReV, for whatever reason, failed to transmit election results from polling booths. This issue must be addressed and avoided so as not to repeat itself.

Remember, once the INEC Chairman announces results and pronounces a winner, one can do nothing but go to court. But the danger is that those factors that induced the announcement of the wrong winner are more likely to also influence courts’ proceedings and sustain what should not be sustained as a final judgment.

Thus, to say that any election winner in Nigerian polling booths who is not well-connected could get announced as a loser by INEC unless a miracle happens, and the most powerful one with political strength and financial influence gets declared winner is a statement past experiences have supported. Whosoever is not willing or who does not have the capacity to go through the processes that influence the final outcome should not bother going into politics, at least for now. It is sad and a very terrible situation, but that is the fact.

If coalition members fail at this juncture to get the electoral system reformed, it is not a good one. And I wonder why they are silent on this crucial point. Though one does not need to be pessimistic, if they fail to ensure that their engineers certify that all BIVAS machines are in good condition before being taken to their various destinations and results transmitted from polling booths, it may not be abstract to say that the election may have already been won and lost even without votes being cast.

Why Obi needs the alliance

In a free and fair election, Obi will clearly defeat APC and President Tinubu with or without the coalition. But because Nigeria is a country where elections are neither free nor fair, considering the factors analyzed above and below, Obi needs the alliance as much as the alliance needs him to close the loophole witnessed in 2023.

On the day of the election, coalition members should make sure that voters’ votes are counted as cast, results transmitted as enshrined in the electoral act without flimsy excuses on any concocted technical hitch, and figures written on the official provided result sheets. They should have the capacity against any bullion van, armored cars, bulletproof jeeps, and other private cars moving around. They should be at the forefront to defend their party’s votes and mandates and mobilize their confidants and agents throughout the country. It is no longer enough to tell the masses to stand with empty hands and defend their votes against well-armed criminals illegally moving around polling booths and collation centres, changing figures, and altering results. Most importantly, they must have the capacity to make the INEC Chairman announce the original documented results and not manipulated figures with Tippex. Anything less will be the same story as it was in 2023.

Conclusion

My sincere message to ADC party agents is that, in their capacity to decide who becomes the presidential candidate of their party, lies the hope of millions of Nigerians for a functioning society. They must be critical and holistic because the choice they make will either take Nigeria out of the throes of death, shape the future we all will be proud of, or pave the way for the continuation of hunger, killings, criminality, hopelessness, and disaster.

We have chosen before based on religion, but it failed us. We have also chosen based on ethnicity, and it was a tragedy. We have equally made choices based on party even when we saw better choices, but our loyalties were rewarded with hunger, insecurity, terrorism, killing, rascality, corruption, sorrow, and tears. We cannot continue in the same direction anymore. We must get it right this time by choosing capacity, integrity, competence, tolerance and a person of honor. Peter Gregory Obi is that option. Choose wisely.

♦ Uzoma Ahamefule, a refined African traditionalist and a patriotic citizen writes from Vienna, Austria. WhatsApp: +436607369050; Email Contact Uzoma >>>>

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