News
Ukraine Strikes Back: Multiple Explosions Rock Russian Border Towns
A spate of apparent attacks against targets in a border region of Russia suggests a new and possibly sustained campaign by Ukraine.
With much attention focused on new air defense systems to strengthen Ukraine’s ability to defeat Russian missile and drone attacks, the Ukrainian military appears to have launched a missile barrage of its own targeting Belgorod in western Russia. According to claims by Russian state news agencies, the attacks left an undisclosed number of people in the region, which borders Ukraine, killed or injured, with a rail line and an ammunition dump being among the apparent targets.
Rail services in the Belgorod region were suspended today after at least one missile — apparently a Ukrainian Tochka series, or SS-21 Scarab tactical ballistic missile — came down on a line near the town of Novyi Oskol. Pictures said to have been taken at the site of the strike that has appeared on social media show obvious damage both to the track and the overhead power lines. The photos also look to show the tail end of a Tochka or Tochka-U missile.
It’s unclear whether the missile was intended to hit this rail infrastructure, and in the process degrade, even temporarily shut down an important logistics route for the Russian military in Ukraine, or whether it missed its intended target.
Wreckage of a Russian Tochka-U on display in Kyiv, for comparison with the wreckage of an apparent Ukrainian missile of this type seen in the Belgorod region:
The ammunition dump that was reportedly struck was in the village of Oktyabrsky, where Russian state-owned news agency RIA Novosti said there had been fatalities and injuries. It’s not clear what munitions may have been used in this instance. Russian authorities blamed the explosion on Ukrainian “shelling” from over the border. This may imply long-range artillery, including multiple rocket launchers, or it could also have involved the Tochka. Oktyabrsky is only around five miles from the border with Ukraine.
Ukraine launching attacks on Russian ammunition depots would certainly make sense, with the value of each such storage site increasing day by day, amid indications that Russia is running low on artillery shells and other heavy munitions needed to support their campaign in Ukraine.
As for the Tochka, this has seen sporadic use by both sides in the conflict so far, but the Ukrainian Armed Forces are not thought to possess significant stocks of this weapon. According to IISS, Ukraine possessed 90 of the launchers prior to the outbreak of the latest conflict and an undisclosed number of missile rounds. The Cold War-era system is fired from a road-mobile transporter-erector-launcher and can carry a warhead of over 1,000 pounds to a range of 45 miles for the original Tochka or 75 miles for the improved Tochka-U.
Vyacheslav Gladkov, the regional governor of the Belgorod region, said Russian air defenses managed to shoot down at least one missile, also near Novyi Oskol — again, the type was not disclosed. The town is less than 60 miles north of the border with Ukraine, which puts it within range of the Tochka missile and long-range ‘suicide drones.’
“Power lines are damaged. Trains are temporarily suspended,” Gladkov said, on the Telegram messaging service, adding that there were no casualties in Novyi Oskol.
Later the same day, videos posted to social media suggested that further attacks were underway as night fell on the Belgorod region. Unsubsubstantiated accounts suggest that these attacks have targeted a thermal powerplant, resulting in power outages across the region.
So far, there has been no independent confirmation of the official Russian statements, but the evidence is increasingly pointing to a sustained campaign.
The latest apparent Ukrainian attacks seem to continue a trend of targeting the Belgorod region, which has seen a string of unexplained explosions and fires as well as outright attacks. Yesterday, October 13, Gladkov, blamed Ukrainian shells for hitting the top floor of a 16-story apartment block in the city of Belgorod, the region’s administrative hub, which is around 20 miles from the border. He said that no one was hurt.
Gladkov also said that an ammunition dump near Belgorod city and a border post in the frontier town of Shebekino had been destroyed and that further damage had been inflicted on a school in a village close to the border. There is so far no independent confirmation of these claims, although videos posted to social media, including the one below, purport to show the burning ammunition depot.
However, officials in Kyiv did respond to the apartment block incident, claiming that the damage was the result of a stray Russian missile. Ukrainian presidential adviser Mykhailo Podolyak said on Twitter that Russia had attempted to launch a missile toward the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv but instead it hit the residential building.
That Kyiv has not yet made a statement related to the incidents in the Belgorod region, other than attributing blame to one of them to Russia, is not altogether surprising.
There has been a pattern of reported attacks on objectives within Russia’s border regions since the Kremlin launched its invasion on February 24. Among the targets that have apparently come under attack are Russian fuel and ammunition stores.
Based on available imagery, attacks on Russian infrastructure have involved suicide drones built from remote-controlled planes available on Alibaba and apparently, at least in one case also Mi-24 assault helicopters; it seems likely that some use has also been made of high-speed target drones repurposed as cruise missiles. There have also been cross-border special forces raids made by Ukrainian troops, which you can read about in-depth here.
Tochka missiles have also been implicated in previous allegations of Ukrainian strikes on Russian territory. In early July, Russian officials accused the Kyiv regime of attacking Belgorod with these weapons, carrying submunitions warheads, and claimed to have shot down three. These attacks were alleged to have killed at least five people and destroyed numerous buildings. For its part, Russia, too, has apparently deployed Tochka missiles with submunitions warheads.
Earlier in the conflict, Russian officials attributed a series of blasts outside Belgorod city in late March to a Ukrainian attack involving three Tochka-Us and said that these injured eight and destroyed several vehicles.
And, in one of the very first alleged incidents of Ukraine striking back on Russian territory, on the second day of the war, there were unconfirmed reports that an apparent attack on the Russian airbase at Millerovo was the result of a Tochka missile strike. The details of what happened at the airbase remain murky and it remains possible that the incident was an accidental fire rather than a Ukrainian strike.
In some cases, Ukrainian officials have offered oblique comments that suggest that these incidents are legitimate payback for Russian actions, or “karma,” but they have fallen short of claiming responsibility.
Russia’s President Vladimir Putin has in the recent past said that he would be willing to use nuclear weapons to defend Russia’s “territorial integrity.” This has led many to suggest that Ukrainian actions on Ukrainian territory claimed by Russia could risk a nuclear response by Moscow. But the Belgorod region sits firmly within Russian borders and with no Ukrainian threat to invade Russia or occupy its territory, it remains unclear exactly where Putin’s “red line” is, in this instance.
So far, however, ‘revenge’ for such actions in Russian-occupied Crimea — namely the attack on Russia’s Kerch Strait Bridge earlier this week — has been met by a conventional Russian response. After a number of non-specific threats from Kremlin officials, this ultimately took the form of a barrage of long-range ballistic and cruise missiles and drones directed against Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.
Meanwhile, attacks on Russian territory proper continue, like those in the Belgorod region, albeit officially unclaimed by Ukrainian authorities. Whether these kinds of actions will ultimately prompt some kind of direct response remains unclear, suffice to say they are a thorn in the side of the Kremlin’s war effort. They are also an embarrassment for the regime, with each such successful attack demonstrating the inability of the Russian military to stop them, and being highly symbolic of the country’s faltering campaign in Ukraine.
Contact the author: thomas@thedrive.com
Young Nigerians have shown a remarkable ability to create waves in the digital space. With a single click, they can expose a politician’s corruption, rally tens of thousands of supporters behind a single hashtag, and keep every political actor on edge from dawn until dusk. However, as the 2027 general elections draw closer, it is time to face an uncomfortable truth: loud online noise isn’t the same as real power in the political sphere. If Nigerian youth wish to get the best possible leadership from their nation’s leaders, they need to take their online activity offline (i.e., to places where actual democracy occurs) and start showing up to cast votes.
There is simply too much evidence to ignore that this needs to occur. Nigeria is a young country demographically. Together, Gen Z and Millennials comprise approximately half of the total population—50.1 percent—according to IntelPoint. Gen Z makes up 25.8 percent and Millennials account for 24.3 percent. When we consider Gen Alpha, the percentage rises to 85.7% of the population under 44. According to ActionAid Nigeria, more than 60% of Nigeria’s population is under 30. According to Afrobarometer, Nigeria has a median age of 18.1 years, and 58% of its population is aged 0-29. Therefore, Nigeria isn’t merely a young country; it is a country dominated by young people.
Based on this information, this dominant demographic should wield considerable political influence. Unfortunately, there often appears to be little correlation between these statistics and political influence. The contrast is striking. While a majority of Nigeria’s population is young, there remains a significant gap between how influential young people are politically and how influential they could be. This lack of influence is not due to a lack of ability among young people; rather, it stems from many young people stopping short of completing what is often called the “civic journey,” which involves moving from awareness to action. They consume politics, engage in political debate on social media, participate in meme politics, and express frustration with politics through social media rants; however, many young people still fail to register to vote (PVCs) or participate in elections in sufficient numbers to affect the outcome.
This disparity is important because youth dissatisfaction is far from abstract. More than 23% of Nigerian youth report being unemployed or seeking employment, according to Afrobarometer. Additionally, more than two-thirds of youth aged 18 to 35 report having some form of postsecondary or secondary-level education. Despite Nigeria ranking among the lowest in providing employment and opportunities for youth, and despite identifying high costs of living, unemployment, crime and security concerns, poverty, poor economic management practices, and insufficient access to electricity as the top five issues requiring immediate attention from government officials, youth dissatisfaction cannot be considered indifferent. Rather, youth dissatisfaction reflects citizens’ grievances and legitimate reasons to be deeply interested in who governs their country.
However, mere interest alone will not suffice. Democracy does not reward passion without participation. A young person can identify every weakness inherent in a political system; however, unless that person participates by casting a vote, they will remain a spectator to their own future. If you are mature enough to understand concepts such as inflation, insecurity, broken campaign promises, unemployment rates, and poorly managed governance systems, you are mature enough to accept responsibility for your role in creating solutions to those problems. That responsibility begins with voting.
In addition to continuing to use social media to raise awareness of voter registration, election knowledge, fact-checking mechanisms used during elections, and peaceful participation methods, social media can also serve as a vehicle for facilitating the transition from social media activism to actual civic engagement. Young Nigerians should leverage their social media presence to encourage voter registration, promote election literacy programs, provide fact-checking services to counter election misinformation, and advocate for nonviolent participation throughout the electoral cycle. They should convert their social media timelines into civic classrooms. Where can I find the information I need about voter registration processes? Where is my assigned polling station located? Where do I receive my Permanent Voter Card? How do I protect myself from spreading misinformation? How do I properly monitor election results? These are not dull topics; they represent essential tools required for surviving democracy.
Youth organizations, creators, and social media entities can also help facilitate offline civic engagement. Use your WhatsApp groups to alert others as registration deadlines approach. Use X Spaces and Instagram Live to focus on discussing relevant issues rather than hurling insults. Use TikTok to simplify the voting process. Use Facebook to motivate family members and first-time voters to participate in elections. Use whatever platforms are available to make civic obligation contagious. Nigeria’s youth have shown they can create viral content. Now they must begin to generate participation on a viral scale.
One of the most damaging myths in Nigerian politics is that “your vote doesn’t matter.” It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that only serves the interests of cynics, crooks, and machines whose success depends solely on low turnout. Yes, Nigeria’s electoral process has flaws. Yes, there have been numerous disappointments. However, the response to a flawed democracy is not abandonment; it is increased participation. By staying home on Election Day, youth essentially give their votes — and therefore control — directly to the very same groups they loathe.
Another mythological excuse for the youth’s failure to vote in Nigeria is the claim that “all politicians are alike.” No — they’re not all the same. While some politicians are inept, others are corrupt, and others exhibit both characteristics, democracy is not about seeking holy men or women; it is about making selections and enforcing accountability. An individual who refuses to make a selection for office because none of the options appear acceptable is ultimately selecting the candidate most likely to emerge victorious by default.
Nigeria’s youth already constitute the country’s largest demographic group. It is time for them to become its strongest democratic force as well. However, that will not be achieved by trending hashtags alone. Instead, it will be achieved when online energy is harnessed and directed toward political organization, civic education, voter registration, increasing voter turnout, and holding elected representatives accountable after elections.
The 2023 election saw remarkable youth participation but lacked follow-up. Therefore, the 2027 election should not produce another generation of disillusioned observers; instead, it should yield a new generation of participatory citizens. Let online flames ignite electoral power. Let debates become ballots. Let criticism evolve into participation. If Nigerian youth can dominate social media, they can also dominate democracy. The future will not be handed to them in a retweet. They must elect it into existence.
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♦ Chris Ulasi is on the Editorial Board of The West African Pilot News. He contributes stories about culture and tradition, elite politics, ethnicity and national integration, civil society, and social movement. He is a university professor, community builder, poet, film producer, recording the emergent Nollywood cultural history through film.
Education
TSU’s CommWeek Positions School of Communication at the Forefront of AI, Innovation, and Student Success
HOUSTON, TX — Texas Southern University’s School of Communication is set to host its 44th Annual Media and Communication Conference (CommWeek 2026) from April 6–10 at the Martin Luther King Jr. Building, bringing together a dynamic mix of scholars, students, industry professionals, and civic leaders to examine the future of media in an increasingly digital and AI-driven world.
Widely regarded as one of the School’s signature academic and professional events, CommWeek has evolved into a powerful platform for intellectual exchange, industry engagement, and student-centered learning. This year’s theme, “Beyond the Algorithm: Reimagining Media, Learning & Innovation with AI,” reflects the growing influence of artificial intelligence across journalism, entertainment, digital storytelling, and communication education.
Throughout the week, participants will engage in a series of panels, workshops, masterclasses, and networking sessions designed to explore how emerging technologies are reshaping media ecosystems. Discussions will address critical topics such as AI-driven content creation, ethical considerations in automated communication, evolving media business models, and the future of audience engagement.
According to Interim Dean Dr. Alan K. Caldwell, CommWeek represents a strategic opportunity to elevate the School’s academic and professional profile.
“Communication Week represents more than a conference; it is a powerful platform to strengthen the School of Communication’s brand, showcase the excellence of our students and faculty, and highlight the innovative work happening across our programs,” Caldwell said. “By bringing together industry leaders, scholars, and alumni, we create collaborative connections that position our school as a hub for forward-thinking communication education.”
Conference Chair Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo (left) and Interim Dean Dr. Alan K. Caldwell: CommWeek has evolved into a powerful platform for intellectual exchange, industry engagement, and student-centered learning.
In addition to its academic significance, CommWeek plays a vital role in advancing student success. A key highlight of the conference is the Dean’s Banquet and Scholarship Awards, which raises funds to support academically talented and financially underserved students. These scholarships help reduce financial barriers, cover tuition and educational resources, and improve student retention and graduation outcomes.
For Conference Chair Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo, CommWeek 2026 represents both a continuation of tradition and a bold step toward the future of communication education.
“CommWeek is where scholarship meets practice and where innovation becomes accessible,” Ogbo said. “This conference is not only about examining the future of media—it is about preparing our students to lead it. By integrating academic rigor with industry insight, we are building a platform that empowers our students, strengthens our institutional identity, and fosters meaningful collaborations that extend far beyond the classroom.”
The conference also emphasizes experiential learning, offering students direct access to industry professionals, hands-on workshops, and career development opportunities. These interactions provide invaluable exposure to real-world practices and help bridge the gap between academic training and professional application.
As a historically Black university with a long-standing commitment to cultural responsiveness and community impact, Texas Southern University continues to position its School of Communication as a leader in preparing students for both local and global media landscapes. CommWeek reinforces this mission by creating an inclusive space where diverse voices, perspectives, and ideas can thrive.
Open to students, alumni, and the broader community, CommWeek 2026 is free to attend and serves as a testament to TSU’s commitment to accessibility, innovation, and academic excellence.
For more information and the full conference schedule, visit www.soc-commweek.com.
As the US-Israel and Iran war enters its 6th week, the Iranian military has responded to Donald Trump‘s threats from the Sunday outburst. The president warned Iran that they would be “living in hell” if they didn’t open the Strait of Hormuz. Responding to Trump’s Sunday rant, Iran’s military responded that if he plans to harm the civilians, then their retaliation would be far stronger and larger in scale.
Following threats from Donald Trump, the Iranian military issued a statement warning that if civilian infrastructure is impacted, they will not remain silent, and their retaliation would be more severe. The statement read, “If attacks on civilian targets are repeated, the next stages of our offensive and retaliatory operations will be much more devastating and widespread.”
This statement comes amid Trump’s outburst on Truth Social, where he demanded that Iran open the Strait of Hormuz or face serious consequences. Naming potential targets, he said, “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!!” Threatening Iran further, he added, “Open the F*ckin’ Strait, you crazy b*st*rds, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH!” He concluded his post with, “Praise be to Allah.”
Additionally, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, the speaker from Iran’s Parliament, also responded to Trump’s public threats on X (formerly Twitter). He noted that his “reckless” moves are pushing the US into “living hell” for every person residing there. Condemning the president’s latest tweet, he added, “Our whole region is going to burn because you insist on following Netanyahu’s commands. Make no mistake: You won’t gain anything through war crimes.”
In a follow-up tweet, Qalibaf wrote that the only solution to this conflict is for the president to start respecting the Iranian people and to put a stop to this “dangerous game.”
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