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Rivers State crisis: Expel Wike, FCT Minister from PDP now

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The internal squabbles and power tussle in PDP because of Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election and who controls once the biggest political party in the history of Africa has boxed the party into a struggling state of suffocation and Armageddon.
 
While APC as a ruling party has continued to carry out its role of trying to suffocate PDP to a total submission, PDP on its own has failed woefully as a major opposition party.
 
There are many different groups and forces within the party trying to firmly dictate what happens, and some of them are very vicious. However, two groups led by Atiku Abubakar and Nyesom Wike are the most powerful amongst them. But one thing they have in common is that they are all scheming for their selfish interests. 

 
For Wike, he has not hidden his interest to be the president of Nigeria especially after becoming the governor of Rivers State. His nursed desire of actually becoming president was propelled after his first ministerial appointment as education minister. All that have followed his political growth can testify that after that appointment he has tenaciously pursued his presidential vision calculatedly with all power and tools he could influence. The tenacity he attaches or his exhibition in pursuit of this dream drives down the impression of one who gives no fig, and this attitude appears to have been what led to his clash with Rotimi Amaechi (former Rivers State Governor), his predecessor. Amaechi who never knew that Wike had conceived the idea of occupying the same position he was scheming for in Aso Rock has in recent times confessed publicly in many occasions his regrets of having recommended him to be made a minister. Therefore, statistically, their political war of who controls Rivers State seemed anchored fundamentally on their selfish interests. It appeared like they wanted to have a very strong political and financial base basically to dictate things in their envisaged presidential election campaigns to their personal advantages. This interest was the genesis of their political enmity that led to the political militarization of Rivers State at that time. A similar scenario is again playing out between the current governor Similaye Fubara and Wike. The only difference for now is that Fubara has not shown any interest to occupy the number one position in Aso Rock like Wike.
 
Actions and unfolding events over the years seem to have continued to portray Wike as someone who is very desperate with his presidential ambition. He seems ready for any political adventure and can step on any toe as long as in his calculation it will bring him close to his desired destination of occupying the number one position in Aso Rock. That could be why it appears he wants to control every important political structure in Rivers State regardless of other stakeholders stand in the state, particularly Governor Fubara. The role he played in supporting President Tinubu of APC against his own party candidate Atiku Abubakar of PDP during the last presidential election was a huge betrayal and antiparty that called for a drastic punishment.
 
Wike succeeded in winning the political war against Amaechi in 2015 and taking total political control of Rivers State after the 2019 elections, he then critically considered the next thing that could be a hinderance to his presidential ambition in 2023. In his calculation, presumably, since PDP’s constitution does not allow the northern or southern part to produce the chairman of the party and at the same time the presidential candidate, the continuous stay of Prince Uche Secondus from south-south like himself as the national chairman of the party would be the obstacle or the biggest hinderance to his presidential aspiration. In his well thought out plan he smartly led the campaign of “Secondus must go” hiding under equity, and switched all his energy and resources in making sure that a northerner becomes the national chairman. The game was to pave way solely for the south to produce the presidential candidate, and he had believedconvincingly that he would be the one to emerge.
 
Having succeeded in influencing so much in installing a northerner as PDP’s chairman, Wike started the advocacy of the presidential candidate to be zoned to the south as stipulated by PDP’s constitution. As expected, it was obliged without any uproar. For the sake of equity, unity and inclusiveness some PDP stakeholders reasonably thought it wise that the zoning of the party’s ticket to the south should be exclusively reserved for the south-east. They argued that since the south-west and south-south had all produced presidents, it would be fair enough to also support the people of the south-east to produce a president. Wike who wielded enormous influence in PDP at that time refused the noble idea, because he wanted to be president. Consequently, party members from the north jettisoned zoning, and the party’s presidential candidate was then thrown open. This scheming and other political shameful dealings that allegedly took place in the party forced people like Peter Obi out of PDP.
 
During the presidential primary of PDP in Abuja Nwike was taught the political lessons of his life as he failed to the combined punches of political alliances and experiences’ of Atiku Abubakar. His later actions showed that he was disappointed and bitter from the outcome of the results, because he worked assiduously against the interest of his own party and Atiku Abubakar in favour of APC and Tinubu. In a normal working society and in a political party he ought to have been expelled or heavily sanctioned for such a grievous deed. But PDP is what it is, like Nigeria, many of them are the same in character. Some of them came from APC and may be planning to leave PDP and that is why they are silent in the face of the obvious spat, arrogance and insults from Wike.
 
Wike is presently fighting the governor of Rivers State who was elected under the platform of PDP. He is currently serving as a minister under APC, but it seems he is using the position against the interest of his acclaimed own party, yet members of PDP keep mute in a better described attitude of self-hatred and despair. After destroying the party he is likely going to dump PDP for another party like his loyalist in the State Assembly have been alleged to have done. So, his ambition is paramount and nothing else matters to him.
 
Wike wants to be the “Jagaban” of Rivers State politics and will not back down until he gets to his destination unless he is forcefully stopped by being knocked down politically. Remember, ihis quest to actualize his presidential ambition, Amaechi and Secondus have all fallen victims. But the earlier Wike realizes that Fubara is a sitting governor and as such the landlord of Rivers State, the better for him. But Fubara mustseriously activate those powers he has as a landlord now or he goes down in history as an impeached governor. His moves to probe Wike’s administration is one of those commendable landlord’s moves, and his swearing in of the Caretaker Committee Chairmen of the local governments was a well targeted uppercut of a landlord. PDP must follow the same steps now, by expelling, suspending, or at least forcingWike to retreat his dangerous steps against Fubara and the interests of PDP.
 
Will Fubara suffer the same fate like Amaechi and Secondus in the hands of Wike? Will Wike be successful in his alleged indirect influence of impeaching Fubara? Or will Fubara succeed in finding Wike culpable of misappropriation of Rivers fund as he probes his administration? I see Amaechi coming back to PDP and giving Fubara the supports he needs, because all seems not well with him and Tinubu in APC. Time will unveil. But one thing is certain in this political war, as 2027 draws near, the reality of PDP members’ silence will forcefully confront them and regrettably compel them to face the injurious consequences of their unceasing lukewarm attitudes to Wike’s actions. Anyone who thinks that Wike as the FCT Minister under this administration will work against the interest of Tinubu or APC in favor of PDP or any PDP candidate is a political toddler – a neophyte. Expel him from PDP now before he does more damages.

♦ Uzoma Ahamefule, a refined African traditionalist and a patriotic citizen writes from Vienna, Austria. WhatsApp: +436607369050; Email Contact Uzoma >>>>

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Lifestyle

Burbank Marriage Unravels After Woman Allegedly Used Tracking Devices to Monitor Husband

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Burbank, Calif. — What began as a seemingly happy two-year marriage ended in confrontation and police involvement after a Burbank woman allegedly used multiple electronic tracking devices to monitor her husband’s movements, authorities and sources familiar with the situation said.

According to information obtained by this outlet, the marriage between Amos and Yolanda deteriorated after Yolanda allegedly placed Apple AirTags, Tile trackers, and a GPS tracking device on Amos’ vehicle and personal belongings without his knowledge. The devices reportedly allowed her to monitor his location in real time and reconstruct his daily movements across the city.

Friends of the couple said the marriage appeared stable during its early years, with the pair often seen together at community events and social gatherings. However, tensions reportedly escalated when Yolanda began confronting Amos about his whereabouts, referencing locations and timelines he had not shared with her.

The situation reached a breaking point when Yolanda allegedly tracked Amos to an apartment complex in Burbank, where she believed he had gone without informing her. Sources say she arrived at the location shortly after he did, leading to a heated confrontation in the parking area of the building. Neighbors, alarmed by raised voices, contacted local authorities.

Burbank police responded to the scene and separated the parties. While no arrests were immediately announced, the incident marked the effective end of the couple’s marriage, according to individuals close to Amos.

Legal experts note that the unauthorized use of tracking devices may raise serious privacy and stalking concerns under California law, depending on intent and consent. Law enforcement officials have not publicly disclosed whether an investigation remains ongoing.

The case underscores growing concerns about the misuse of consumer tracking technology, originally designed to help locate lost items, but increasingly implicated in domestic disputes and surveillance-related allegations.

As of publication, neither Amos nor Yolanda had publicly commented on the incident.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Houston

Turnout, Trust, and Ground Game: What Decided Houston’s Runoff Elections

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Low-turnout runoff races for Houston City Council and Houston Community College trustee seats revealed how message discipline, local credibility, and voter mobilization determined clear winners—and decisive losers.

The final ballots are counted, and Houston’s runoff elections have delivered clear outcomes in two closely watched local races, underscoring a familiar truth of municipal politics: in low-turnout elections, organization and credibility matter more than name recognition alone.

In the race for Houston City Council At-Large Position 4, Alejandra Salinas secured a decisive victory, winning 25,710 votes (59.27%) over former council member Dwight A. Boykins, who garnered 17,669 votes (40.73%). The margin was not accidental. Salinas ran a campaign tightly aligned with voter anxiety over public safety and infrastructure—two issues that consistently dominate Houston’s civic conversations. Her emphasis on keeping violent criminals off city streets and expanding Houston’s water supply spoke directly to quality-of-life concerns that resonate across districts, especially in an at-large contest where candidates must appeal to the city as a whole.

Salinas’ win reflects the advantage of message clarity. In a runoff, voters are not looking to be introduced to candidates—they are choosing between candidates they are already familiar with. Salinas presented herself as forward-looking and solutions-oriented, while Boykins, despite his experience and political history, struggled to reframe his candidacy beyond familiarity. In runoffs, nostalgia rarely outperforms momentum.

The second race—for Houston Community College District II trustee—followed a similar pattern. Renee Jefferson Patterson won with 2,497 votes (56.63%), defeating Kathleen “Kathy” Lynch Gunter, who received 1,912 votes (43.37%). Though the raw numbers were smaller, the dynamics were just as telling.

Patterson’s victory was powered by deep local ties and a clear institutional vision. As an HCC alumna, she effectively positioned herself as both a product and a steward of the system. Her pledge to expand the North Forest Campus and direct resources to Acres Home connected policy goals to place-based advocacy. In trustee races, voters often respond less to ideology and more to proximity—those who understand the campus, the students, and the neighborhood. Patterson checked all three boxes.

By contrast, Gunter’s loss highlights the challenge of overcoming a candidate with genuine community roots in a runoff scenario. Without a sharply differentiated message or a strong geographic base, turnout dynamics tend to favor candidates with existing neighborhood networks and direct institutional relevance.

What ultimately decided both races was not a surprise, but execution. Runoffs reward campaigns that can re-mobilize supporters, simplify their message, and convert familiarity into trust. Salinas and Patterson did exactly that. Their opponents, though credible, were unable to expand or energize their coalitions in a compressed electoral window.

The lesson from Houston’s runoff elections is straightforward but unforgiving: winners win because they align message, identity, and ground game. Losers lose because, in low-turnout contests, anything less than that alignment is insufficient.

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