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OPINION: How Participatory Will Saturday’s Anambra State Governorship Election Be?

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4 years ago

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In Africa and most Third World generally, parochial political culture is usually prevalent and informs the attitude and behaviours of the people towards politics.

One of the most distinguishing features of a democracy is public participation in the process of selecting leaders termed general election. However, the extent to which the public participates in this process is largely determined by preexisting political culture. In other words, an established code of conduct of the people towards political matters shapes their input and summarily determines their participation level. In Africa and most Third World generally, parochial political culture is usually prevalent and informs the attitude and behaviours of the people towards politics.

What people do, how they react, demands they make, their input, among others in the politics of their country or state is influenced by their political socialization. This is to say that political culture is determined by political socialization. To put this in perspective, families in our clime do not encourage their members to be part of any political activity, they believe it is suicidal. When one insists, then, a lot of caution is advised to be applied. In most churches, unless towards important elections like the weekend’s governorship election in Anambra state, there is no mention of political leadership, election or anything connected thereto in any activity of the church.

Most public engagement relating to government or political leadership is squarely about failures of government and political leadership; nothing is mentioned about how the people can rescue their country or state, with their genuine involvement in the political process. In fact, the people live as if to say that government and political leaders do not matter and as such, they can do without it. Both family and church are major agents of political socialization. In consequence, there is an entrenched perception of government as an abstract entity that is exploited by those occupying public offices for their personal gains. Right or wrong, the tragedy is that the people feel that there is nothing they can do about that situation. So for instance, even when elections are called, the people still believe that their participation will not make any difference.

Every election has its own peculiarities and this 2021 Anambra governorship election is consequently different. In addition to the existing apolitical culture, there are deep concerns that will further drive down participation in the election.

Against this backdrop, it is important that participation in the Anambra state election on Saturday is not viewed in isolation of the prevalent realities of the citizens’ political culture. The people simply have a culture of removing themselves from being part of the political process. On Election Day like Saturday, registered voters in all the three hundred and twenty-seven political wards, which constitute the five thousand, seven hundred and twenty polling units in Anambra state, will not turn up by close to half. In fact, 20% or 25% voter participation is a luxury.

During the last governorship election in 2017 for instance, Nnewi North Local Government Area had a total of one hundred and fifteen thousand, six hundred and sixty-two duly registered voters. But on Election Day, only twenty-one thousand, nine hundred and thirty-four thousand votes were recorded. Out of this number, about one thousand, three hundred and fifty-nine votes were rejected based on certain voting rules which were not followed by those voters. The worry really is that in 2017, Nnewi had more than one hundred thousand registered voters, but only about twenty thousand voted. This was the situation in Ihiala with over one hundred and twenty-four thousand voters but recorded about twenty-nine thousand votes. This is equally the same with Nnewi South local government with almost one hundred thousand voters but recorded about eighteen thousand votes.

Voter apathy is part of our political experience in Anambra state and indeed, Nigeria. But this year’s Anambra governorship election may yet be the worst.

Every election has its own peculiarities and this 2021 Anambra governorship election is consequently different. In addition to the existing apolitical culture, there are deep concerns that will further drive down participation in the election. For a few months now, the regular Monday sit-at-home has become part of the normal weekend holidays. In Nnewi and environs, Aguata and environs, Onitsha and environs, the fear on the populace are better imagined. The sit-at-home is thus most effective in those areas and despite the seriousness of business and commercial activities in those areas, nothing happens on Mondays and it has now become the new normal. I have only mentioned this as a guide to the possible impact the “no election order” by IPOB or its splinter groups, or other groups, will have on Saturday’s election turnout. The fact is that there is fear and uncertainty, such that has never been the case when participation and voter turnout was still low, how low can it now be?

For Elizabeth, a voter with her Permanent Voters Card – PVC, who has been voting in previous Anambra elections, “I am not going to vote this time. I will stay in my house”. This was also what Faith, another Anambra voter who has been voting in previous elections said. In a way of summary, out of about fifteen to twenty regular voters spread across Anambra state who gave their stand as to if they are voting or not, only about two regular voters affirmed that they will be voting in Saturday’s gubernatorial election. Anambra South senatorial zone and parts of Anambra Central senatorial zone may likely be the most affected by the apathy in this year’s governorship election.

Voter apathy is part of our political experience in Anambra state and indeed, Nigeria. But this year’s Anambra governorship election may yet be the worst. What appears to be fueling this year’s governorship election voter apathy is the fear of being attacked by no-election proponents or being cut in a crossfire between security forces and armed group(s) enforcing no-election in Anambra state. The intensity of voter apathy notwithstanding, by the early hours of November 7, 2021, it might be clear who the winner of the election is.

What this means is that with a large or small turnout of voters, there must be a winner. And whether one voted or not, the winner will become governor-elect and upon swearing-in on 17th March 2022, everybody in Anambra state will simply live with that reality. The new governor’s policy choices, development options, politics, among others, will have direct impact both on those that voted and those that did not vote, not excluding proponents of no-election and those advocating for election. No one will be speared and everybody will live with that reality, good or bad, till the next election cycle.

♦ Ebuka Onyekwelu, strategic governance exponent,  is a columnist with the WAP

 

 

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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2 weeks ago

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December 27, 2025

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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4 weeks ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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Lifestyle

Kaduna Governor Commissions Nigeria’s First 100-Building Prefabricated Housing Estate

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2 months ago

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November 14, 2025

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Kaduna, Nigeria – November 6, 2025 — In a major milestone for Nigeria’s housing sector, the Governor of Kaduna State has commissioned a 100-unit mass housing estate developed by Family Homes and executed by Karmod Nigeria, marking the first-ever large-scale prefabricated housing project in the country.

Completed in under six months, the innovative project demonstrates the power of modern prefabricated construction to deliver high-quality, affordable homes at record speed — a sharp contrast to traditional building methods that often take years.

Each of the 100 units in the estate is designed for a lifespan exceeding 50 years with routine maintenance. The development features tarred access roads, efficient drainage systems, clean water supply, and steady electricity, ensuring a modern and comfortable living environment for residents.

According to Family Homes, the project represents a new era in Nigeria’s mass housing delivery, proving that cutting-edge technology can accelerate the provision of sustainable and cost-effective homes for Nigerians.

“With prefabricated technology, we can drastically reduce construction time while maintaining top-quality standards,” said a spokesperson for Family Homes. “This project is a clear demonstration of what’s possible when innovation meets commitment to solving Nigeria’s housing deficit.”

Reinforcing this commitment, Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State emphasized the alignment between the initiative and the state’s broader vision for affordable housing.

“The Family Homes Funds Social Housing Project aligns with our administration’s commitment to the provision of affordable houses for Kaduna State citizens. Access to safe, affordable and secure housing is the foundation of human dignity. We have been partnering with local and international investors to frontally address our housing deficit,” he said.

Also speaking at the event, Mr. Ademola Adebise, Chairman of Family Homes Funds Limited, noted that the project embodies inclusivity and social progress.

“The Social Housing Project also reflects our shared vision of inclusive growth, where affordable housing becomes a foundation for economic participation and improved quality of life.”

Karmod Nigeria, the technical partner behind the project, utilized its extensive expertise in prefabricated technology to localize the process, employing local artisans and materials to enhance community participation and job creation.

Industry experts have described the Kaduna project as a blueprint for future housing initiatives nationwide, capable of addressing the country’s housing shortfall more efficiently and sustainably.

With this pioneering development, Kaduna State takes a leading role in introducing modern housing technologies that promise to reshape Nigeria’s urban landscape.

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