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Is the Southeast Prepared to Wrestle the Nigerian Presidency in 2023?

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4 years ago

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“Fortunately or not, democracy dictates that electorates must select from those that have presented themselves to govern.” ―Ebuka Onyekwelu

With just a few months left before the 2023 presidential election takes the centre stage, the Southeast is yet to boldly move towards securing the tickets of major political parties in Nigeria. By the Southeast, I am talking about Igbo political leaders who are members of these parties and who have the precise capacity to match candidates from other regions who are already traversing the length and breadth of Nigeria courageously asking for people’s support ahead of 2023. With the exception of Prof. Kingsley Moghalu of ADC likely to become Nigeria’s third force, there has not been any seriousness by those interested in running for the highest office in Nigeria from the Southeast, to own the project.

In the APC for instance, the likes of Sen. Orji Uzor Kalu, Sen. Rochas Okorocha, Sen. Chris Ngige, Sen. Ken Nnamani, and many others, none of them has shown as much courage or seriousness through their outreach and consultation for the big job. They all seem not to be sure, so basically hiding behind the scene and while still claiming to be running for the presidency; perhaps bidding time. In the PDP, Sen. Mao Ohuabunwa, Sen. Pius Anyim, and others have expressed intentions to contest. Yet, there have not been formidable engagements from them towards the project, which can favourably compete with what their counterparts in other parts of the country are doing. Peter Obi to the disappointment of many is hiding under some cover, like he is not interested and he is one of the best hands for this project for Ndi Igbo, in PDP.

Looking at what is currently happening in the PDP and APC as far as the demand for Igbo presidency is concerned, one sees that the likes of Sen. Orji Uzor Kalu and Sen. Rochas Okorocha who are better positioned in national politics for consensus around Igbo presidency project, do not enjoy favourable rating at home. But then, Peter Obi and his likes, for instance, who have massive political capital at home are nowhere to be seen. Instead, Sen. Ohuabunwa who is barely known across ranks in the Southeast is the one boldly carrying this project for the Southeast, in Peter Obi’s party. There is definitely something incredibly ridiculous when a people are left for its political interest to be defended by those that cannot match the quality of individuals others are filling or that are filling themselves to represent their own region or people group. Fortunately or not, democracy dictates that electorates must select from those that have presented themselves to govern.

Southeast political players have continued to rely on the fact that in Southern Nigeria, it is only Southeast that is yet to take a short at the presidency. But in politics, no one listens to this kind of tale except statesmen. Politicians go to their trenches, canvas, and consult to acquire state power. While the Southeast has a case in equity, politics, and acquisition of political power cares less about who has not had a short because nobody has said that you should not try to have a short. But then, it may appear as if this is the best opportunity for a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction. Yet, even the opportunity means nothing if Igbo national political players are not prepared to take full advantage of it. Already, there seems to be a consensus on the propriety of an Igbo man becoming the next president of Nigeria, ironically, those expected to fly the flag from the two major political parties have not shown or demonstrated any commitment towards taking advantage of the season. Perhaps, relying almost exclusively on the assumption that it will be “given” to them, but a gift like power is never given because everybody wants it just as much or as badly as anyone else.

In fact, if they continue in this direction, then, realizing Nigeria’s president of Igbo origin will again become a mere mirage.

Dr. Bukola Saraki a former governor of Kwara state and a former president of the senate has just declared his intention to run for president on the platform of PDP. The advantage is that those who have come out openly and made their intentions known will have an advantage in the contest except there is a consensus later. So what Igbo politicians in the APC and PDP are doing, is clearly not in the political interest of Ndi Igbo. In fact, if they continue in this direction, then, realizing Nigeria’s president of Igbo origin will again become a mere mirage.

At this stage, we are still not clear who is running. So there is no consensus of support in the Southeast just yet. However, with what is happening, key players from the Southeast and across the country will align with different contenders that fit their fancy and this only cast unimaginable aspersion on the Igbo presidency project. As of now, with what reality we have on the ground, the only clear option for realizing Igbo presidency is through Prof. Moghalu’s ADC because, he is out and has declared his intentions as well as prepared for the job, and he also enjoys credible national perception. The only challenge is if his ADC can stand the big two in any national political contest. This is a major problem confronting the ADC and its likely presidential candidate, Prof. Kinsley Moghalu. The import of this is that even with Prof. Kingsley Moghalu as the only presidential candidate of Igbo extraction, candidates of other regions if presented to Nigerian voters on PDP and APC platforms, will be preferred over a quality candidate of a lesser political party.

This pattern of political behavior will take years of enlightenment and steady improvement in the level of civic consciousness of the populace, to be truncated. Worst still, Igbo voters and politicians will be far more eager to align and support candidates of other political parties than supporting their own who is running on the platform of a smaller party. But the option before Ndi Igbo is crystal clear; pursue with both hands, the tickets of the two major political parties to secure them. Or align and produce a president in the person of Prof. Kinsley Moghalu on the platform of ADC. In fact, Igbo political leaders can as well create or adapt their own platform if there is no space for them and then build their own platform as a tool for their own national political ambition. Although the last option may not secure the required result in 2023, at least, a date would be fixed on the ambition, and with the right efforts, it will be realized perhaps, after 2023.

What is unfortunate is the current lukewarm approach and the not-too-sure, unserious pursuit of this ambition. It is almost certain that Ndi Igbo will miss it again with this approach, except certain people are patriotic enough to bury their ambitions and reach for a consensus candidate of Igbo origin in APC or PDP. The depth is this kind of personal sacrifice is extremely high because if Tinubu sacrifices his presidential ambition for 2023, he most likely will never run for president again. Besides, he has the momentum now. So in all, it is a huge sacrifice of which is doubtful if any politician that understands his mettle will make. Then again, if Atiku steps down and supports, for instance, Peter Obi as a consensus candidate of the PDP, he may not contest again, and this is not only his likely last chance but also his likely best chance to win. And so the price is too high for any politician to pay. That is why it is un-political to play by the sidelines hoping that there will be a consensus because people already agree that it is only an Igbo man that has not been president since 1999.

Igbo leaders, political and otherwise, must articulate and strategically pursue Igbo interests in the 2023 presidential election. They can as well begin the process of producing an Igbo Nigerian president in 2027 or even 2031. This is better than leaving a people’s political future to chance.

♦ Ebuka Onyekwelu, strategic governance exponent,  is a columnist with the WAP

 

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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2 weeks ago

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December 27, 2025

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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4 weeks ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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Lifestyle

Kaduna Governor Commissions Nigeria’s First 100-Building Prefabricated Housing Estate

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2 months ago

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November 14, 2025

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Kaduna, Nigeria – November 6, 2025 — In a major milestone for Nigeria’s housing sector, the Governor of Kaduna State has commissioned a 100-unit mass housing estate developed by Family Homes and executed by Karmod Nigeria, marking the first-ever large-scale prefabricated housing project in the country.

Completed in under six months, the innovative project demonstrates the power of modern prefabricated construction to deliver high-quality, affordable homes at record speed — a sharp contrast to traditional building methods that often take years.

Each of the 100 units in the estate is designed for a lifespan exceeding 50 years with routine maintenance. The development features tarred access roads, efficient drainage systems, clean water supply, and steady electricity, ensuring a modern and comfortable living environment for residents.

According to Family Homes, the project represents a new era in Nigeria’s mass housing delivery, proving that cutting-edge technology can accelerate the provision of sustainable and cost-effective homes for Nigerians.

“With prefabricated technology, we can drastically reduce construction time while maintaining top-quality standards,” said a spokesperson for Family Homes. “This project is a clear demonstration of what’s possible when innovation meets commitment to solving Nigeria’s housing deficit.”

Reinforcing this commitment, Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State emphasized the alignment between the initiative and the state’s broader vision for affordable housing.

“The Family Homes Funds Social Housing Project aligns with our administration’s commitment to the provision of affordable houses for Kaduna State citizens. Access to safe, affordable and secure housing is the foundation of human dignity. We have been partnering with local and international investors to frontally address our housing deficit,” he said.

Also speaking at the event, Mr. Ademola Adebise, Chairman of Family Homes Funds Limited, noted that the project embodies inclusivity and social progress.

“The Social Housing Project also reflects our shared vision of inclusive growth, where affordable housing becomes a foundation for economic participation and improved quality of life.”

Karmod Nigeria, the technical partner behind the project, utilized its extensive expertise in prefabricated technology to localize the process, employing local artisans and materials to enhance community participation and job creation.

Industry experts have described the Kaduna project as a blueprint for future housing initiatives nationwide, capable of addressing the country’s housing shortfall more efficiently and sustainably.

With this pioneering development, Kaduna State takes a leading role in introducing modern housing technologies that promise to reshape Nigeria’s urban landscape.

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