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Anthony Obi Ogbo
Dislodging the status quo: Nigerian voters must take anger and conscience to the Polls
Significantly, a vote for Obi and the LP would systematically dislodge a predatory two-party system that has caged this nation since the end of military rule in 1999 —Anthony Ogbo
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In less than one week, on Saturday, February 25, 2023, Nigerian voters will head to the polls to elect a new president amid intensifying anger and frustration over deteriorating insecurity and economic destitution. Among a long list of contenders, candidates from three major political parties stand out. They are a former vice president, Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), a former governor of Lagos State, Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and a former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, representing the Labor Party (LP).
The purpose of this editorial is to reiterate the significance of this election in redeeming this country from decades of captivity under a malicious clique of political delinquents.
Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has struggled violently with every area of democratic dividends. The voting process, which allows citizens the choice of electing competent leaders, has always been falsely designed. The constitutional structure is unfairly compromised to protect ethnic favoritism, fraud, and mediocrity. The standard of ethical leadership has been fictional, leaving this nation in sheer depression. For decades, each election year has produced the same caliber of visionless political miscreants recycled under the same crooked political organizations. Without a doubt, Nigeria as a nation has never been lucky with decent leaders.
As Nigerians prepare to head to the polls, it might be necessary to undertake a short analysis of what the country stands to gain or lose with each candidate. Each of the front-runners has indeed been in the political system for decades, yet the current electioneering trends draw sharp distinctions. It might be a waste of editorial space to go into party proposals or campaign rhetoric because those metrics have not favored the masses in the past. In the current political terrain, making electoral choices would not be a difficult one.
In the almost eight years of its incumbency, the ruling party, All Progressives Congress (APC), has rendered the worst development record in Nigeria’s political history. Besides unchallenged insecurity, accelerating inflation is reflected in the rising cost of living, leaving many families struggling to survive. The latest figures from the country’s National Bureau of Statistics show that 33% of the population is unemployed—jumping to 42.5% for young adults.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a ruthless political godfather intoxicated with power and greed.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu and running mate, Kashim Shettima (both Muslims), represent this party. Besides leading such a failed political entity, Tinubu is not a good man. He is a ruthless political godfather intoxicated with power and greed. Armed with a huge amount of influence, cash, and a sense of entitlement, he believes that he wants to be president because it is his turn. His running mate Shettima is a proven jihadist whose spiritual ideology abhors democracy.
A vote for this team could translate into a 16-year prolongation of APC’s disastrous stewardship. Under the current culture, the incumbents (president and vice president) have the political advantage to manipulate the system and exploit a constitutionally allowed double four-year tenure (eight years) each. Thus, an APC victory under Tinubu and Shettima could finally erase a representative governance culture from the system. Placing two radical Muslims as leaders in a secular country with a history of violent religious extremism might not be a good electoral choice.
PDP candidate, Atiku Abubakar, and his running mate, Ifeanyi Arthur Okowa, are believed to be less notorious yet politically unsafe for Nigeria. It may be recalled that the PDP has ruled this nation for 16 years, and indeed, is a coconspirator of the current draconian constitutional structure. Atiku was a vice president in a PDP regime under Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) who somehow missed becoming the next president at the time. Since then, he has spent a huge amount of resources struggling to return as president.
A vote for Atiku and the PDP would yield nothing but continued governance of loot sharing and system hopelessness.
Atiku is one of those political elites who prospered through the looting of public funds. Pompously rich, he shuttles between wealthy cities in the Middle East and would swagger with money, extravagant gifts, and young women. Atiku’s fraud case with William Jefferson—a former Louisiana politician who served as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for nine terms from 1991 to 2009—made global headlines. A vote for Atiku and the PDP would yield nothing but continued governance of loot sharing and system hopelessness. Voters could be looking at another 16 years of hardship.
The LP candidate, Peter Obi, and his running mate, Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, are not exactly new in politics. Yet both individuals represent what could offer Nigerians a fresh start in rebuilding a nation that has never seen peace, stability, and system fairness in nearly six decades. Significantly, a vote for Obi and the LP would systematically dislodge a predatory two-party system that has caged this nation since the end of military rule in 1999.
The difference is clear. The duo of Obi and Datti Baba-Ahmed remains the most qualified team for steering this country in a different direction. Both candidates are open-minded liberals who are open to structural change and who truly see Nigeria as a united nation rather than a personal property.
The standard for political candidacy is not supposed to be a turn-by-turn privilege. Challengers must be morally and intellectually upright, tender convincing proposals for change, and show knowledge of the conversion of strategies into governance actions. To date, the APC and PDP have offered no single excuse for their years of mismanagement. Yet they have been parading basic campaign posters of unsubstantiated policy proposals irrelevant to the major issues of the moment.
Voters must leave hypocrisy at home and take their anger, conscience, and interests to the polls.
The stakes in this election are very high. Voters must leave hypocrisy at home and take their anger, conscience, and interests to the polls. They must snub their tribal or religious comradeship and opt for values that serve a national interest.
One of the core doctrines of change in the political framework is how candidates fare in significant areas of national interests. In this case, however, both APC and PDP, along with their candidates, represent fear, amoral values, and abject failure.
At this time, voters are faced with a choice between two ideologies. They may choose to embrace the brutal APC–PDP status quo and continue living in system wretchedness. Alternatively, they may opt for the LP and start over to create a nation and structures of their choice.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Journalism and RTF Professor, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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Anthony Obi Ogbo
New Book, “Shred of Fear” Invokes a Provocative Recollection of the Biafran War
Nwokedi’s “Shred of Fear” masterfully captures a phenomenological account of a three-year hellish journey toward an unfulfilled dream of a promising nation, Biafra. —Anthony Ogbo
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The machinery of childhood memories remains a mystery grounded in neurological maturation, socialization, and other factors that often influence an individual’s recollection of momentous childhood events. In his book, Shred of Fear, Uche Nwokedi renders a memoir of his experiences living through the Biafran War (also known as the Nigerian Civil War). His recollection is unmatched and encompasses many critical moments unfamiliar to the current generation.
According to Nwokedi, “Childhood memories of that time remain indelibly etched into my psyche. Now and then, I see them in my mind’s eye, in shades of sepia, like old photographs from a family album.”
The author is confident about his memories of the war and explains their significance: “I treasure these memories and hold fast to them, as they are the watershed years of my journey in life so far. I fully embrace the emotions they evoke, with no apologies for what the child remembers.”
The story of the Biafran war is not new. Yet, a lot of events surrounding this bloody mayhem have not been told, and unfortunately, the advent of social media and technology innovation has not made telling the story about the great Biafran journey any easier. For instance, several analyses, books, and publications have pervaded the internet with Google-generated unsubstantiated content. Even some authors who fought in the war have rendered subjective accounts to appease specific social and political interests. Some activists equally went astray, creating Biafran war content to pursue their “We the people” agitation crusades.
Shred of Fear, however, is far from those. Shred is not a political written handout. It is not a children’s bedtime storybook. It is a masterful rendition of the Biafran War devoid of Google speculations. The author, a child at the time, creatively captures a phenomenological account of a three-year hellish journey toward an unfulfilled dream of a promising nation. Indeed, from beginning to end, Shred unloads from a unique perspective the very interesting and relatively unknown events that marked this horrific season.
But the most exciting and credible endorsement of this book comes from Chief Arthur Mbanefo, a commissioner and roving ambassador in Biafra (1967–1970). According to Chief Mbanefo, “As one who participated fully in the Biafra War, Shred of Fear is a powerful and vivid factual recollection of events that defined the war for the author. Written with such brilliant simplicity, one is taken on a journey of the changes in life in a time of war by the author. A must-read. Highly recommended!”
One remarkable aspect of this book is the author’s representation of Aba, the great Enyimba city, which he describes as “one of those quintessentially colonial Nigerian towns with all the hallmarks of a place with plenty of growth potential.” From Aba’s City Life to The Pound Road Bombing and finally, the “Fall of Aba,” the author paints a realistic picture of what transpired inside Biafra at the initial stage of the war. Again, here is the author:
“I saw pictures of mutilated bodies and they gave me the chills. To crown it all, there were constant mobs of angry young men running through the streets of Aba carrying leaves, crying for vengeance, and chanting in the Igbo language, “Ojukwu gives us a gun to defend ourselves.”
In addition to music, which became a therapeutic part of the culture in the Biafran land, the author recounts how air raids became the hallmark of this war. Killer fighter jets preyed on innocent masses at will. In his own words, Nwokedi writes, “We would see the MIGs [jet fighters] suddenly swoop down from the sun like hawks, fly low past the GRA [Government Reserved Area], bomb the town center and markets, climb back up into the sky and then leave as quickly as they had come.”
Another interesting aspect of this book is the author’s recollection of the Aburi Accord. On January 4 and 5, 1967, delegates and representatives from both the Federal Government of Nigeria and the Eastern Region, led by Lieutenant Colonel Emeka Ojukwu, met in Aburi, Ghana, to agree on what is now known as the Aburi Accord. This meeting at Aburi was supposed to be the last opportunity for both parties to resolve any conflict to prevent civil war.
Nwokedi approaches the Aburi Accord from a different perspective. He remembers how the phrase “On Aburi we stand” was widely chanted and adopted by everyone. “We heard older people say it often, and so we repeated it all the time as well. We loved the sound of it,” he narrates.
The book explores the genuineness of Biafra’s failed struggle. Consequently, its contents emit unprecedented historical relevance to a people, their strength, and a vision that was never accomplished.
The author’s account subtitled “The Line in the Sand” rightly indicates how the collapse of the Aburi Accord created a playing field for two warring combatants ready to terminate each other. Yet his final reflection on the collapse of this accord remains intelligible. He writes:
“Quite clearly, these two young soldiers escalated a war of words into an internecine war. With those conflicting clarion calls, the line in the sand was drawn, and the war began in earnest.”
The book explores the genuineness of Biafra’s failed struggle. Consequently, its contents emit unprecedented historical relevance to a people, their strength, and a vision that was never accomplished. As the author says, “The flickering light of Biafra had been unceremoniously snuffed out, but the darkness of defeat had not yet enveloped it. The sun was sinking, and we were drifting fast into the gloaming of defeat.”
In 14 chapters loaded with his candid recollection, the author does not ignore the political implications of the war, the lessons learned from the uncertainties that triggered the destructive duel, and where Nigeria currently stands. According to Nwokedi, “The Biafran War is long over, but the peace it won remains fragile and full of anxiety.” He continues, “We continue to live in anticipation of the promises of Nigeria.”
Shred of Fear is a superb memoir of a man who lived through the horrendous Biafran civil war as a child. Currently, Uche Nwokedi is an accomplished Nigerian author and lawyer, and Shred is not his first endeavor. He is also the writer and creative producer of the award-winning musical production Kakadu the Musical, which has toured Nigeria, Switzerland, and South Africa to great critical acclaim.
Order this book from Nigeria: >>> | Order this book from Amazon: >>>
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Journalism and RTF Professor, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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Anthony Obi Ogbo
Contentious race for Harris County Judge—why voters must stand by incumbent Lina Hidalgo
“Republican Party intentionally rendered Harris County a crime scene with bloody gun laws to corroborate their “tough-on-crime” campaign strategy.” ―Anthony Obi Ogbo
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It was not a surprise when the Houston Chronicle handed an endorsement to Alexandra del Moral Mealer, Harris County Judge Lina Hidalgo’s Republican Party challenger. Citing very flimsy justifications in its editorial piece, The Chronicle concluded, “we encourage Harris County voters to back Mealer in this race. We can only hope that once in office, she’d effectively address crime, tend to basic services, and restore civility on the court by governing as a strong local leader, not a partisan.”
And seriously, The Chronicle wants voters to believe that a Donald Trump student, a 2020 election denier who does not believe in democracy and rule of law could “restore civility on the court by governing as a strong local leader.”
Without a doubt, the race for Harris County Judge has taken a pugnacious turn for the worst. From the corporate media to predatory Republican Party business gurus and cohorts, a do-or-die conspiracy venture to unseat this incumbent is costing her opposition a fortune. For instance, the latest campaign finance reports show that as of mid-October, Mealer raised nearly 5 million dollars—more than most state-wide candidates.
The opposition campaign funds are utilized to lampoon Hidalgo with a composition of junky advertorial slots littered all over the media. As a strategy to support their fictitious claim that Hidalgo was defunding the police, the Republican members of the Harris County Commissioners Court have consistently boycotted meetings, blocking the passage of the proposed county budget, then using that to generate campaign materials for the midterm.
There are obvious reasons why rapacious opposition cronies want Hidalgo’s pound of flesh. She is the first woman to be elected County Judge and only the second to be elected to the Commissioners Court. Additionally, her Democratic Party identity and all-inclusive progressive ideology make her the opposition’s nightmare. For instance, she expanded early childhood education, pursued criminal justice reform, and initiated stricter regulation of land development and pollution. To make her opposition witch hunters even more uncomfortable, she facilitated easier access to voting and passionately supported commonsense policies for undocumented immigrants.
Her aggressive response to the coronavirus pandemic further elevated her popularity among Harris County residents.
Yet Hidalgo remains a hard nut, who in 2018 at the age of 27, and as a first-time candidate surprised the political establishment by crushing a three-term Republican brand name incumbent, Ed Emmett. Her aggressive response to the coronavirus pandemic further elevated her popularity among Harris County residents.
The Republicans on the other hand floated a long list of policy meltdowns to back up their antagonizing disapproval of Hidalgo’s stewardship. According to The Houston Chronicle, which indeed provides overbearing media coverage for the anti-Hidalgo fraternity, “Our gravest concerns, though, involve Hidalgo’s failure to respond with urgency to Harris County’s crime wave.”
It is hypocritical when the opposition blames Hidalgo for the County’s high rise in crime without at least citing the root of the problem. The current uncontrollable crime rate was hatched when Gov. Greg Abbott and his Republican collaborators enacted the permitless carry bill into law in 2021. This deadly legislation, which took effect starting Sept. 1, made it legal to carry handguns without a license or training. Thus, the Republican Party intentionally rendered Harris County a crime scene with bloody gun laws to corroborate their “tough-on-crime” campaign strategy.
If any party should bring us matters of moral decency in government, it is definitely not the Republican Party
Hidalgo’s three staffers were indicted for allegedly steering an $11 million contract toward a Democratic operative, and the opposition has made this an anthem. I would agree with Hidalgo that the indictments are meritless and politically motivated. But wait a minute, if any party should bring us matters of moral decency in government, it is definitely not the Republican Party.
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, a Republican, is currently facing state securities fraud charges and reportedly is under FBI investigation for bribery, yet he is still on the ballot. It has been nearly seven years since the attorney general was indicted on felony securities fraud charges and he is still on the job. Additionally, Gov. Abbott recently appointed an officer indicted for misconduct during George Floyd protests to the police regulatory agency. Justin Berry was among 19 Austin police officers indicted earlier this year, accused of using excessive force against people protesting the murder of George Floyd. So, who really needs these lessons on moral decency?
The truth is that after a 2016 Harris County election “Blue Wave” when the Democrats swept up every single countywide seat, including the district attorney and sheriff’s offices, the Republican opposition has been alarmed about losing the state majority. Harris County, the third largest in the nation, has remained a Democratic Party enclave which might likely influence the state political dynamic.
The battle for Harris County Judge goes beyond the ongoing conspiracies orchestrated by a desperate Republican opposition. Their challenger, Mealer, is a good woman, but she is a stooge who is being planted by the anti-democratic Republican Party to represent their interests.
The call to retain the incumbent, Lina Hidalgo, in the office is not a partisan move.
I have always advised communities not to rely on corporate media endorsements to make their political choices because their interests are often profit-oriented, politically motivated, and thoughtlessly bigoted to appease some ulterior causes. The call to retain the incumbent, Lina Hidalgo, in the office is not a partisan move. Ushering a Republican stooge into this office would tear this county apart. Also, Harris County voters must not be confused by sensational stories of the corporate media spewing amplifying headlines about this race being very tight. According to Texas Trends Survey 2022: The Race for Harris County Judge, published by the Hobby School of Public Affairs of the University of Houston, “Among Harris County likely voters surveyed, the vote intention in the county judge race is 52% for Democrat Lina Hidalgo and 42% for Republican Alexandra del Moral Mealer, with 6% undecided.”
Now, if you care to know why the State Republican leaders are doing everything to block minority voters, here is why: In the same survey, Hidalgo holds a 71-percentage point advantage over del Moral Mealer among Black voters, 79% vs. 8%, and a 44-percentage point advantage among Latino voters, 69% vs. 25%.
Now you know why, come rain or sunshine, every minority must vote!
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Journalism and RTF Professor, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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