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Ex-Generals, Governors, Regional Groups May Determine 2023 Presidency

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Task aspirants on capacity, character, stakeholders tell power brokers

As the debate on who succeeds President Muhammadu Buhari rages on, presidential hopefuls have been positioning themselves to attract the support of influential power blocs ahead of the 2023 presidential election.

Findings by LEADERSHIP reveal that these power blocs range from influential individuals to strategic groups. Some of these groups include the college of governors, former presidents and heads of state, diplomatic community, the captains of industry, Nigerians in diaspora, and socio-ethnic political groups, among others.

Also, feelers from the political camps of some aspirants indicate that while they are mindful of how their parties would handle the controversial zoning of presidential tickets, they have nonetheless been making political manoeuvres.

So far, no fewer than seven aspirants have formally declared their intention to contest the presidential election.

They are former deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Prof Kingsley Moghalu; Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa; former Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim; former Lagos State governor and APC national leader, Bola Tinubu; Senate minority whip and former Abia State governor, Orji Uzor Kalu; Ebonyi State governor, Dave Umahi and publisher of Ovation Magazine, Dele Momodu.

However, those expected to make a public declaration for the top seat soon are Vice President Yemi Osinbajo; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; Ekiti State governor and chairman of Nigeria Governors’ Forum, Kayode Fayemi; APC chieftain and business mogul, Gbenga Olawepo-Hassim; minister of state for education, Dr Emeka Nwajiuba and Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello.

Others are former Senate President, Abubakar Bukola Saraki; Sokoto State governor, Hon Aminu Tambuwal; former Kano State governor, Senator Musa Kwankwaso; Bauchi State governor, Bala Mohammed, and former Zamfara State governor, Senator Sani Yerima.

Most of the aspirants have since been embarking on wide consultations with various power blocs.

A source, who pleaded anonymity, hinted that some of the serious presidential hopefuls have been meeting with influential persons and blocs that could sway the contest in their favour.

The source, however, said, “Well, it is conventional that the serious aspirants for the one number seat in the country would have met with key power brokers across the country. In fact, they would have, before this year, begun to leverage on their political goodwill and network even before they declared for the seat.

“I am sure you will remember that sometime last year, we saw closed-door meetings between ambassadors of some countries and persons who have either declared for president or are yet to declare for president. We have also seen the same meetings or consultations between some hopefuls and former presidents and heads of state of this country. We have also seen some aspirants making foreign tours, trying to engage the international think-tank, so to speak, and Nigerians in the diaspora on their ambition. So, it is not unexpected in that sense.”

However, while the debate over zoning of the presidential ticket continues, the question on the minds of aspirants is whether or not they can secure the buy-in of these critical power brokers going into the polls.

College Of Governors

They, as a group, are easily regarded as the most potent political bloc in Nigeria’s party politics. They largely influence the way delegates emerge for national conventions, especially in indirect primary system.

They are also acutely strategic to how parties win elections at state and local government levels. Since the Second Republic, the influence of governors as one of the major determinants of who emerges presidential candidates and eventual president has continued to increase.

It is for this reason they have been described in some quarters as the field generals of political parties. Presidential aspirants are usually inclined to be in good standing with the governors. In the build-up to presidential primaries, aspirants would be seen wooing this class of influential stakeholders.

Former Heads Of State And Ex-Generals

Comprising mainly former military generals who occupied top political offices during the military era, this restricted class of stakeholders are often regarded as the shot callers behind the scenes.

Having transformed from military tacticians to political grand god-fathers of sorts, the retired generals have remained a major influence in the polity, dictating the political climate through the deploying of decades-old political strategies. It is not surprising that they still dominate the political space, having remained key stakeholders in the Nigerian project since the civil war.

Already, most aspirants have visited some of the key members of this rare class, including former military head of state, Gen Yakubu Gowon, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and former military president, Gen Ibrahim Babangida.

Others in this rare club include Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, Gen Theophilus Danjuma, and Gen Aliyu Gusau, among others.

 

Captains Of Industry

Elections cost money. And with concerns that have trailed Nigeria’s over-monetised electoral system, aspirants would seek to sway the billionaires’ club to be on their side.

This class also represents a strong power bloc as it controls much of the corporate private sector, including the financial institutions, oil and gas sector, manufacturing sector,  telecommunications, and so on. As a group they are a formidable bloc whose buy-in would be sought. Over time, they have been seen to be active during political campaigns, making donations to political parties and candidates.

In turn, the business community would seek to provide sponsorship to aspirants in order to consolidate their business interests.

A few names in this category are Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Tony Elumelu, Femi Otedola, Mike Adenuga, and Mrs Folorunsho Alakija, among others.

That the role of money in politics in Nigeria’s polity is very strong cannot be over emphasized. Take it or leave it, the political parties get corporate support and sponsorship from rich Nigerians. Although many other big players in the nation’s business community prefer to give their support behind the scenes, the names of two prominent Nigerians have resonated each time the nation’s political parties are raising funds or when a general election comes up. Interestingly, the candidate they support in the presidential election often wins the poll.

Africa’s richest man and quintessential entrepreneur is not a card-carrying member of any known political party in Nigeria but his role overtly or covertly in the nation’s political space cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand.

Dangote was the chief fund raiser when the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) raised N21.2 billion for the 2015 election, although he did not make any donation as his representative at the event, Joseph Makoju, announced that he had no mandate to make one. He said Dangote would contact the PDP leadership about his donation once he arrived in the country.

Again, when the PDP raised funds for the building of its national secretariat complex in Abuja in 2008 , Dangote donated cement worth N3 billion.

In 2019, Dangote was also named in a statement issued by the senior special assistant to the president on media and publicity, Femi Adesina, as members of the advisory committee for the re-election of President Buhari.

Before people knew it, a clarification was issued by Adesina which addressed concerns over the inclusion of Dangote in the list.

He stated in the release: “It has become imperative to further clarify the status of Alhaji Aliko Dangote, named under the sub-head Advisory members in the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Campaign Council announced on Friday, December 28, 2018. Africa’s richest man, not being a card-carrying member of APC, cannot, and is not a member of the PCC. He is also a member of the Peace Committee, and thus cannot be in a partisan campaign council.”

Femi Otedola is a Nigerian businessman, philanthropist, and former chairman of Forte Oil Plc, an importer of fuel products. Otedola is the founder of Zenon Petroleum and Gas Ltd, and the owner of a number of other businesses across shipping, real estate and finance. His strong support for former President Goodluck Jonathan is well known.

When the PDP raised funds for the building of its national secretariat complex in Abuja in 2008, Otedola donated cement worth N1 billion.

The oil magnet was also named as a member of the advisory committee for the re-election of President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019.

 Regional Groups

These groups have already been occupying the media space. The key groups are Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), Afenifere, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), Middle Belt Forum, North Central Forum, and Ijaw National Congress (INC).

These geo-political groups have been relating their positions on issues and galvanizing their bases within the geo-ethno-political structure of the country. Aspirants would lobby for endorsement of these groups because of the sentimental-cum- ethnic appeal they provide.

 

 Diaspora

Although Nigerians living abroad have repeatedly demanded to be allowed to vote, this set of stakeholders is also not a pushover as well as aspirants make it a point to meet with them whenever they are on foreign visits.

They wield some influence when the remittances they make to the country is considered. A World Bank data showed that the Nigerian Diaspora population remitted $65.34bn in three years to boost economic activities in the country.

The World Bank data showed that in 2018, the Nigerian Diaspora remitted $24.31bn; $23.81bn in 2019 and $17.21bn in 2020.

According to the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Nigeria had a Diaspora population of 1.7 million as of 2020.

This puts the average remittance per Nigerian abroad (based on 2020 Diaspora population) at $38,428.15 across the three years.

But that is just official figures. Many Nigerians abroad are undocumented.

Although the collective influence of the diaspora with regards to the position of their resident countries towards Nigeria might not be measurable, the influence of certain individuals cannot be overlooked.

 Diplomatic Community

The goodwill and tacit endorsement by ambassadors and high commissioners of other countries will be sought by aspirants not just because it gives a good photo-op. It also affords aspirants an opportunity to market themselves to the international community.

Soon, presidential hopefuls would crave the attention of the prestigious Chatham House, London, the 102-year-old institution, also known as the Royal Institute of International Affairs.

For years, aspirants and top politicians have, in a bid to convince the international community to look favourably towards them, made presentations at this institution which is an independent policy institute headquartered in London whose mission is to provide authoritative commentary on world events and offer solutions to global challenges.

Stakeholders’ Reactions

However, the power brokers have been tasked to interrogate the aspirants on some pressing national issues, like security and economy, concerns about the ideological leanings and their track records.

Former minister of education, Prof Tunde Adeniran, in a chat with LEADERSHIP said: “The presidential aspirants should be asked at least five questions: What is their ideological orientation and philosophy of governance that would guide them in the governance of Nigeria? What are their antecedents; their educational and professional backgrounds and achievements?

“How will they solve the problem of grave insecurity nationwide and handle the security system generally?

“What economic policies will they put in place to effectively solve the problems of unemployment, inflation and mass poverty? What initiatives would be brought to bear on Nigerian institutions and the Nigerian people to eradicate the endemic corruption that is fast consuming all?”

On his part, former president of the Trade Union Congress (TUC), Peter Esele, told LEADERSHIP that power brokers need to interrogate aspirants on their ideological leanings vis-a-vis what their political parties represent.

He said, “We have not been able to define our presidents. We need to know whether they are leftists, rightists, liberal, centre left or right and so on. How do you know where a president stands? It has to do with his or her track record and beliefs.

“Sadly, our political parties are also not defined. The first challenge is, what do the political parties represent?

“I am a card-carrying member of All Progressives Congress (APC). I joined Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) because of its progressive tendencies which I followed through with it until we entered APC. But if you ask me about whether we still have that now, I won’t be able to say so. Same applies to the conservative Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). So, what we have had are individuals who govern based on what they believe and not the party. A country cannot survive on individual development.”

He added, “Power brokers should first ask them to define what their party represents. I think this is foundational. First of all, the party should define you and not you defining the party. So, if the party defines you, you become a candidate that will carry out the dictates of the party. No matter how you feel about Donald Trump, he carried out the manifesto of the Republican Party which has helped him to retain a huge following in the party today. He ensured less taxes, less government, defended America’s interest to the letter – everyman for himself, close borders and being tough on immigration.

“For Biden, he is doing what the democrats are known for – more democratic space, more government involvement, more money for citizens, affordable healthcare – so, we can differentiate both parties, and whatever president is in office, we can differentiate them by their party’s manifesto. But one central thing is the sovereignty of the country.

“We had this practice in the past – UPN, NPN, GNPP and so on – their ideological leanings were all well-defined.”

The former labour leader also urged the powerbrokers to ascertain the policy direction of the aspirants with regards to critical sectors – oil and gas, subsidy, banking, health, transportation and unity of the country and security.

“We don’t want generalisation; we want specifics on the issues. We no longer want a president that is a generalist. We want a president that is specific on issues. By that I mean he should be able to take a clear stand on issues in line with what his party manifesto provides.

“Also, they should ask them if they just want to be president because they want to be president. You know that the Nigerian president is one of the most powerful in the world. He is in the top 10 most powerful presidents in the world. But we don’t want an over-powerful president anymore; we want one that will strengthen institutions. These are some of the issues the power brokers can task the aspirants about,” he said.

On his part, a former presidential adviser to Olusegun Obasanjo, Chief Olukayode Akindele, said the stakeholders should focus on the character of the aspirants.

He said the power blocs must tell the aspirants “to let go of greed and avarice; genuinely respect the citizenry by upholding the rule of law and independence of judiciary; amend the constitution to enable true federalism.

“They should also ask the aspirants to allow for state police, create an enabling environment and tax laws to allow the private sector to thrive.”

Former deputy governor of Sokoto State, Murktar Shagari, said the power brokers should be convinced of the aspirants’ commitment to the wellbeing of Nigerians before they commit to their ambition.

“They should tell them to pay greater attention to security, economy and the citizens’ wellbeing, and they should not deceive or lie to Nigerians,” he said.

On his part, former national secretary of the PDP, Prof Wole Oladipo, told LEADERSHIP that the power brokers should ask the aspirants to “ensure that he or she will reform Nigeria; make the six geopolitical zones the federating units and devolve power to them, leaving the centre to handle foreign affairs and defence mainly.”

To former presidential aide to Goodluck Jonathan and communications expert, Jackson Ude, the power brokers should be more concerned about the unity of Nigeria, saying Nigeria is more divided now than at any other time.

Ude, who resides in the United States, added: “The programmes and policies of the Buhari/APC government have not united the country. Nigeria has been divided along ethnic and religious lines as a result of either a deliberate or unconscious policy direction of this current government.

“So, power brokers talking to presidential aspirants should insist on how to unite Nigeria,” he said. “Another very important area would be that of security.

“The actions and inactions of the current government has not helped to secure the country from terrorism and banditry. It is an area which is also linked to the unity of Nigeria. A united Nigeria is a secure Nigeria; a secure Nigeria is a United Nigeria.

“Power brokers should tell aspirants to develop a robust security plan that would check the rising insecurity in the land and be open to ideas that would help in not only improving it but sustaining it. That way, we will have the pathway to economic development, infrastructural development and so on,” Ude said.

Culled from the Leadership News, Nigeria

Books

The Pioneer’s Burden: Building the First Private Network in a Vacuum of Power

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  • Book Title: The Making of Bourdex Telecom
  • Author: David Ogba Onuoha Bourdex
  • Publishers: Bourdex
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Emeaba
  • Pages: 127

In the history of Nigerian entrepreneurship, stories of audacity often begin with frustration. A man waits hours in a dimly lit government office to place a single overseas call, his ambitions held hostage by bureaucracy. From that moment of exasperation, an empire begins. Such is the animating pulse of The Making of Bourdex Telecom, David Ogba Onuoha Bourdex’s sweeping autobiographical account of one man’s effort to connect the disconnected and to rewrite the telecommunications map of Eastern Nigeria.

At once memoir, corporate history, and national parable, the book reconstructs the emergence of Bourdex Telecommunications Limited—the first indigenous private telecom provider in Nigeria’s South-East and South-South regions—against a backdrop of inefficiency, corruption, and infrastructural neglect. Its author, a businessman turned visionary, narrates not merely how a company was built but how a new horizon of possibility was forced open in a society long accustomed to closed doors.

Bourdex begins with a stark diagnosis of pre-deregulation Nigeria: a nation of over 120 million people served by fewer than a million telephone lines. Through a mix of statistical precision and personal recollection, he paints a portrait of communication as privilege, not right—of entire regions condemned to silence by state monopoly. His storytelling thrives in such contrasts: the entrepreneur sleeping upright in Lagos’s NET building to place an international call; the Italian businessman in Milan conducting deals with two sleek mobile phones. That juxtaposition—between deprivation and effortless connectivity—serves as the book’s moral axis.

From these moments of contrast, Bourdex constructs the founding myth of his enterprise. What began as an irritation became a revelation, then a crusade. “I saw a people left behind,” he writes, “a region cut off while others dialed into the future.” His insistence on framing technology as a means of liberation rather than profit underscores the moral ambition that threads through the book. The Making of Bourdex Telecom reads not like a manual of business success but like an ethical manifesto: to build not simply for gain, but for dignity.

As the chapters unfold, Bourdex’s narrative oscillates between vivid personal storytelling and granular technical detail. He recounts his early business dealings in the 1980s and ’90s, the bureaucratic mazes of NITEL, and the daring pursuit of a telecommunications license under General Sani Abacha’s military government. There is a cinematic quality to his recollections—the tense midnight meetings in Abuja, the coded alliances with military officers, the improbable friendships that turned policy into possibility.

These sections recall Chinua Achebe’s The Trouble with Nigeria in tone and intention: both works diagnose the systemic failures of governance but find redemption in individual initiative. Yet Bourdex’s narrative differs in form. Where Achebe offered moral critique, Bourdex offers demonstration—an anatomy of perseverance in motion. He documents the letters, negotiations, and international correspondences with Harris Canada, showing how an indigenous company emerged through sheer force of will and global collaboration.

Such passages risk overwhelming the reader with acronyms, specifications, and telecom jargon—R2 signaling, SS7 interconnection, E1 circuits—but they also lend the book an authenticity rare in corporate memoirs. What might have been opaque technicalities become, under Bourdex’s hand, instruments of drama. The machinery of communication becomes metaphor: wires and waves as extensions of faith and tenacity.

To situate The Making of Bourdex Telecom within Nigeria’s socio-political history is to confront the paradox of private enterprise under public decay. The book chronicles the twilight of NITEL’s monopoly, the hesitant dawn of deregulation, and the emergence of entrepreneurial actors who filled the void left by government paralysis. In this sense, Bourdex’s story parallels that of other indigenous pioneers—figures such as Mike Adenuga and Jim Ovia—whose ventures in telecommunications and banking transformed the national economy from the late 1990s onward.

Yet Bourdex’s tone is less triumphant than reflective. He does not romanticize deregulation; he portrays it as both opportunity and ordeal. The government’s inertia, the labyrinthine licensing process, and the outright extortion by state agencies form the darker undertones of his tale. His clash with NITEL’s leadership—recounted with controlled indignation—stands as one of the book’s most gripping sequences. When a senior official demanded an illegal payment of ₦20.8 million for interconnection rights, Bourdex’s defiant reply, “You are not God,” rang out like an act of civil disobedience. In such moments, the narrative transcends the genre of business autobiography and enters the moral theatre of national reform. The entrepreneur becomes citizen-prophet, challenging a corrupt establishment with the rhetoric of justice and self-belief. That blending of economic narrative with civic conscience is perhaps the book’s most compelling feature.

Stylistically, The Making of Bourdex Telecom occupies an intriguing space between oral history and polished memoir. The prose is direct, rhythmic, and often sermonic, reflecting its author’s background as both businessman and public speaker. Anecdotes unfold with the cadences of storytelling; sentences sometimes pulse with the energy of spoken word: “Amateurs built the Ark. Professionals built the Titanic.” The repetition of such aphorisms imbues the work with a sense of conviction, though occasionally at the expense of subtlety.

Where the book excels is in its evocation of atmosphere—the dusty highways between Aba and Lagos, the sterile corridors of power in Abuja, the crisp air of Calgary where the author first glimpsed technological modernity. These scenes transform what could have been a linear corporate chronicle into a textured work of memory.

Still, the narrative structure is not without flaws. The absence of an external editor’s restraint is occasionally felt in the pacing; digressions into technical exposition or moral reflection sometimes interrupt narrative flow. Readers accustomed to the concise storytelling of international business memoirs—Phil Knight’s Shoe Dog or Elon Musk’s authorized biography—may find the prose dense in places. Yet such density mirrors the complexity of the terrain Bourdex navigated. His sentences, like his towers, are built from layers of persistence.

Beyond its entrepreneurial chronicle, the book doubles as social history—a record of Eastern Nigeria’s encounter with modernization. The chapters on “The FUTO Boys,” a cadre of young engineers recruited from the Federal University of Technology, Owerri, offer a microcosm of the new Nigerian professional class emerging in the late 1990s: educated, idealistic, and determined to prove that technical expertise could thrive outside the state. Their improvisations—installing antennas by candlelight, building networks amid power outages—embody the collective grit that sustained Bourdex’s vision.

The narrative’s cumulative effect is generational. Through the story of one company, we glimpse a society in transition—from analogue isolation to digital awakening. The book captures that liminal moment when the sound of a dial tone became a symbol of freedom.

Running through The Making of Bourdex Telecom is a persistent theology of success. Bourdex attributes every turn in his journey to divine orchestration: friendships “placed by the Invisible Hand,” setbacks reinterpreted as “divine redirections.” Such language, while characteristic of Nigerian entrepreneurial spirituality, acquires here an almost literary force. It recasts corporate history as providential narrative, where the invisible infrastructure of grace mirrors the visible architecture of towers and transmitters.

For some readers, this piety may feel excessive; yet it provides the emotional coherence of the book. The author’s faith is not ornamental—it is constitutive. Without it, the story of Bourdex Telecom would read as mere ambition. With it, it becomes vocation.

The foreword by Abia State Governor Alex Otti and the preface by former Anambra Governor Peter Obi frame the book as both inspiration and instruction. They read Bourdex’s career as parable: the triumph of private initiative over public inertia. Yet their presence also situates the work within Nigeria’s broader discourse on nation-building. The Making of Bourdex Telecom is not only the autobiography of an entrepreneur; it is a treatise on indigenous agency—on what happens when Africans cease to wait for imported solutions and begin to engineer their own.

In this respect, the book extends its influence beyond its immediate industry. Its lessons—about courage, timing, friendship, and faith—extend to any field where innovation must contend with adversity.

Judged as a work of literature, The Making of Bourdex Telecom is direct and sincere. Its prose favors clarity over ornament, and its authenticity gives the story a compelling sense of truth. Bourdex writes not to embellish, but to bear witness—to a time, a struggle, and a conviction that technology could serve humanity. The result is a hybrid work: part documentary, part sermon, part memoir of enterprise.

As a contribution to Nigerian business literature, it deserves serious attention. Few firsthand accounts capture with such detail the messy birth of private telecommunications in the 1990s—a revolution that reshaped the country’s economic and social fabric. In its pages, we hear both the crackle of the first connected call and the larger resonance of a people finding their voice.

Bourdex’s central message endures: progress begins when frustration becomes purpose. His journey from the backrooms of NITEL to the boardrooms of international telecoms is not merely personal triumph; it is a chapter in Nigeria’s unfinished story of modernization.

In the end, The Making of Bourdex Telecom stands as more than the history of a company. It is an ode to enterprise as nation-building, and to the stubborn optimism of those who refuse to let silence define them.

See the book on Amazon: >>>>>

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Houston and Owerri Community Mourn the Passing of Beloved Icon, Lawrence Mike Obinna Anozie

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Houston was thrown into mourning on September 19, 2025, following the sudden passing of businessman and community advocate Lawrence Mike Obinna Anozie, who peacefully joined his ancestors. Immediate family member in Houston, Nick Anozie, confirmed his untimely death and expressed gratitude for the outpouring of love and condolences from both the Houston and Owerri communities.

Lawrence was born to Chief Alexander and Lolo Ether Anozie of Owerri in Imo State, Nigeria, and will be dearly remembered by family members, friends, and the entire Houston community.

An accomplished accountant, the late Lawrence incorporated and successfully managed three major companies: Universal Insurance Company, LLC, Universal Mortgage LLC, and Universal Financial Services. Through these enterprises, he not only built a thriving business career but also created opportunities for countless individuals to achieve financial stability. His contributions to entrepreneurship and community development will remain a lasting legacy.

According to the family, arrangements for his final funeral rites are in progress and will be announced in due course.

Lawrence will forever be remembered as a loving and compassionate man who dedicated much of his life to uplifting others. He helped countless young Nigerians and African Americans overcome economic challenges by providing mentorship, financial guidance, and career opportunities. His generosity touched the lives of many who otherwise might not have found their footing. A devout Catholic, he was unwavering in his faith and never missed Mass, drawing strength and inspiration from his church community. To those who knew him, Lawrence was not only a successful businessman but also a pillar of kindness, humility, and faith whose legacy of service and compassion will continue to inspire generations.

For more information, please contact Nick Anozie – 832-891-2213

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Enugu Revenue Leader Details Tax Plans, Commits to Responsible Fund Management

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In a bid to address rising public concerns and social media speculations about taxation in Enugu State, the Executive Chairman of the Enugu State Internal Revenue Service (ESIRS), Emmanuel Nnamani, has provided clarifications on the government’s tax policies. During a press briefing in Enugu, Nnamani dismissed what he described as “false and misleading claims” and reassured residents that the government’s fiscal operations are firmly rooted in law, transparency, and public good.

Clarifying Misinformation and Affirming Legality

Nnamani opened the session by stressing that no taxes or levies in Enugu State are imposed outside the provisions of the law. “Taxes and revenues in Enugu State remain within the limits of the law. We do not impose any levies outside what the law permits,” he stated, pointing to the Personal Income Tax Act (as amended) as the guiding legal framework.

He explained that the ESIRS collects personal income tax through two lawful means: Pay-As-You-Earn (PAYE) for those in formal employment, and Direct Assessment for informal sector workers. While compliance among salaried workers has been largely smooth, the agency sometimes employs legal enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance among self-employed individuals.

Formalising the Informal Sector

A key challenge, he noted, has been bringing the informal sector—especially market traders and transport operators—into the formal tax net. Upon assuming office, his administration discovered that an overwhelming 99% of informal sector actors were not remitting taxes to the state, largely due to the disruptive influence of non-state actors engaged in illegal collections.

In response, the government introduced a consolidated ₦36,000 annual levy for market traders. This amount, payable between January and March, covers all relevant state-level charges, including those by the Enugu State Waste Management Agency (ESWAMA), Enugu State Structures for Signage and Advertisement Agency (ENSSAA), storage fees, and business premises levies. “Once this amount is paid between January and March, the trader owes nothing else for that year,” Nnamani clarified. Traders who fail to pay by March 31 are subject to enforcement.

For street vendors operating outside structured markets, an annual levy of ₦30,000 applies, with ESWAMA charges handled separately. Transport operators such as Okada riders, Keke drivers, minibuses, tankers, and trucks pay via a daily ticketing system.

A Human-Faced Approach to Enforcement

Although the law allows for a 10% penalty on unpaid tax and an interest charge tied to the Central Bank’s Monetary Policy Rate of 27.5%, Nnamani disclosed that the state has adopted a softer, pro-business approach. Instead of the full punitive charges, a flat ₦3,000 penalty is applied in most informal sector cases to promote ease of doing business and encourage voluntary compliance.

Taxation and the Cost of Rent

Addressing growing concerns over rising rent, Nnamani rejected claims linking the trend to state tax policies. He described the issue as a national challenge influenced by supply and demand, rather than fiscal policy.

Citing personal experiences dating back to 2015, he observed that a shift in private development preference – from rental apartments to gated residential estates – has contributed to the housing squeeze. “If we had more high-rise buildings, rent would drop,” he noted. The state government, he added, is taking proactive steps through the Ministry of Housing and Housing Development Corporation to build mass housing and student hostels near institutions like ESUT and IMT, freeing up central city housing and helping moderate rents.

Technology, Transparency, and Trust

In line with its commitment to transparency and digital innovation, the ESIRS has launched a tax calculator on its official portal – www.irs.en.gov.ng – allowing residents to compute their taxes with ease and clarity. “This is about transparency and giving our people confidence,” he said, inviting residents to compare Enugu’s tools with those in more advanced states like Lagos.

Understanding the Cost of Development

Responding to concerns that Enugu has become one of Nigeria’s most expensive states, Nnamani acknowledged the perception but clarified that the temporary inflation is largely demand-driven. With Enugu undertaking widespread infrastructural renewal – including smart schools, primary health centres, and hospitality infrastructure – the surge in construction activity has led to increased demand for building materials like granite and rods, which are sourced from other states.

“Once these projects are completed, demand will drop, and prices will stabilise,” he assured. He emphasised that the projects are visible testaments to what taxpayers’ money can achieve when properly managed.

A Call for Mutual Understanding and Civic Partnership

More than a tax clarification, Nnamani’s address served as a reminder of the symbiotic relationship between citizens and government. He appealed for public understanding, noting that when citizens fulfil their tax obligations, the government can, in turn, provide essential services and infrastructure that uplift everyone.

His message was clear: responsible taxation, managed transparently and invested wisely, is the bedrock of sustainable development. From roads to schools and healthcare to housing, Enugu State is demonstrating how taxpayers’ money, when efficiently deployed, can improve lives and build the future.

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