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Anthony Obi Ogbo

Decree of Dictatorship—Governor Abbott’s Intoxication for Power

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In a democracy, resistance against tyranny is a civic duty.

Over the last few years, America, and indeed the world, witnessed how Donald Trump came into the highest and most respected leadership compartment, saw power, and squandered it without regret. America is a living witness to how Donald Trump’s leadership disgrace exposed the porousness of the democratic process—a typical example that America, as a nation, is not immune from the levels of dictatorship found in countries like North Korea, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Somalia.

However, the destructive influences of Trump’s vicious assault on the rule of law are not going away any time soon. This explains why Texans should be worried about their leader, Governor Greg Abbott, who is currently on a rampage with unrestrained and tyrannous policy-making excess. Abbott and his cohorts have thrown the entire state of Texas into a near-constitutional crisis.

By current standards, democracy in Texas is in a state of uncertainty, orchestrated by a reckless Republican-controlled political base and endorsed by an irrational demigod called Abbott. He has proven to be insecure about his career designation and completely uncomfortable with the rule and process of law.

This governor has completely lost it. Gradually, he has led a gang of stubborn extremists to turn the Lone Star State into a lawless zoo. Currently, Texans wake up each day with grave concerns about their democracy. They feel the scratchy, filthy air of dictatorship under a delusional governor who wakes up each day with a new punitive decree. It is getting worse. For instance, Texans are still shocked about Abbott’s inexplicable threat to defund the state legislature, after Democratic lawmakers derailed an 11th-hour attempt to pass his priority bill that would have made it even harder for the public to cast a ballot in elections.

With fabricated claims of widespread voter fraud, Republicans in Texas and across the United States have tried to suppress access to the polls after a shameful 2020 election performance. Among its numerous, unusual clauses, Texas’s Senate Bill 7 would have imposed felonies on public officials for certain activities related to boosting mail-in voting, banned 24-hour and drive-thru voting, emboldened partisan poll-watchers, and made it easier to overturn election results.

Following this defeat of legislation, Abbott, who views with distaste voting privileges of Blacks and other minorities, threatened to eliminate funding for the Texas Legislature. In typical Trump fashion, he tweeted his retaliatory vows: “I will veto Article 10 of the budget passed by the legislature. Article 10 funds the legislative branch. No pay for those who abandon their responsibilities. Stay tuned.”

He vowed that the troubled bill—which would restrict voting hours; make it harder to vote by mail; give more power to partisan poll watchers; increase punishments for mistakes made by election officials; and prohibit voting on Sundays before 1 p.m., an act viewed as an attack on voting campaigns by Black churches—will be added to a special session to pass it.

But that is not all; over the past months, Texans have been going through Abbott’s policy-making surprises. It may be recalled that earlier this year, Abbott shocked the entire world when he announced the revocation of orders regulating the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. This included the lifting of the statewide mask mandate and the opening of all businesses at one hundred percent capacity. To aggravate this madness, he invoked the usual anti-mask conspiracy phrase: that people and businesses do not need the state telling them how to operate.

In a democracy, an abuse of the process, or exploitation of the majority privileges, is akin to autocracy.

It may be right to conclude that Abbott’s burden of dictatorship is gradually descending on the rule of law. In a democracy, an abuse of the process, or exploitation of the majority privileges, is akin to autocracy. Just this month, Abbott signed a new education law forbidding lessons on systemic racism. This bill, also operated by a handful of states, regulates how teachers discuss current affairs, prohibiting students from getting credit or extra credit for participating in civic activities that include political activism or lobbying elected officials on a particular issue.

Abbott, it appears, is running amok with the latest abuse of his mandate, and Texans are concerned as they watch their chief executive metamorphose into a sharp-horned, evil soul. Imagine Texans carrying handguns without a license; or hotels not being able to stop their guests from taking guns into their rooms; or a situation where the government cannot shut down gun shops during a declared disaster. These are not fairy tales but the realities of Texas under the tyranny of Abbott.

Governor Abbott signed a slate of gun-related laws last week, ranging from technical changes, such as allowing Texans to carry a gun in any type of holster, to more broad political statements, such as declaring Texas a Second Amendment “sanctuary state”. Abbott officially signed House Bill 1927, the “constitutional carry” legislation, that allows Texans aged 21 and over to carry a handgun in public—either concealed or openly—without a permit or training, starting September 1. By Abbott’s new laws, the state’s $40 fee to obtain a handgun license will no longer be required, whilst mandatory training requirements are also no longer necessary.

The values of constitutional process are not ingrained in stone. They are written laws susceptible to interpretative ambiguities.

Most party-hardliners may not publicly admit this, but the decree of dictatorship transcends party lines. It’s simply an affront to the ideals of democracy. The values of constitutional process are not ingrained in stone. They are written laws susceptible to interpretative ambiguities. Therefore, entrusting power to leaders with ethical laxity can gravely jeopardize the ideals of the constitutional process. Thus, rejecting Abbott and his Republican cohort becomes a commitment to protecting the standards of socio-political fairness. There have to be ways to stop Abbott’s repressive rule. Perhaps a massive electioneering presence of Blacks and minorities would make the difference.

State Chairman of the Texas Coalition of Black Democrats, Hon. Carroll G. Robinson, Esq., suggested strategies for Black voter turnout. According to Hon. Robinson, “If we’ve learned nothing else from Stacy Abrams, we should have learned that to maximize Black voter turnout to win, the work and investments must begin early. Elections are won with investments and hard-work done well in advance of an election year. It’s not enough to curse the dark and complain about the incompetence of Abbott, Cruz and other Texas Republican leaders— including Patrick and Paxton—we have to invest in Black voter turnout to defeat them.”

Fighting off tyranny will require all hands on deck. For instance, a group of Democratic Texas state lawmakers just traveled to Washington, D.C. to confer with congressional Democrats and Vice President Harris and lobby for far-reaching voting rights and election reform legislation. Consequently, Attorney General Merrick Garland has announced his readiness to fight voter-suppression. According to Garland, the aim is to ensure that, “all eligible voters can cast a vote, that all lawful votes are counted, and that every voter has access to accurate information.” The Department of Justice is already suing Georgia, alleging that a recently passed election law violates the Voting Rights Act’s protections for minority voters.

Governor Abbott’s intoxication for power signifies a degree of dictatorship incompatible to the process of democracy. He is a governor who has demonstrated a revulsion for justice and fairness. He has uncovered his authoritarian demeanor, and, worse, his animosity and disrespect for people of color are unparalleled. In a democracy, resistance against tyranny is a civic duty. At this time, the people of Texas must stop this hare-brained dictator or forever hold their peace.

Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. Article is also published in the West African Pilot News

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Anthony Obi Ogbo

When Dictators Die, Their Victims Don’t Mourn

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“Buhari’s legacy is not a national treasure—it is a cautionary tale of tyranny cloaked in uniform and democracy.” —Anthony Obi Ogbo

In many cultures, including mine, it’s considered immoral to speak ill of the dead. But tradition should never demand silence in the face of truth, especially when that truth is soaked in blood, broken promises, and the battered dignity of a nation. General Muhammadu Buhari, former military dictator and two-term civilian president of Nigeria, has finally departed this world. He died in London, a city he frequented not as a diplomat or global statesman, but as a medical tourist—fleeing the ruins of a healthcare system he helped wreck with decades of authoritarianism, tribalism, and economic blundering.

Muhammadu Buhari emerged from the rotten womb of Nigeria’s corrupt military order — a regime where brute force outweighed intellect, and the rattle of an AK-47 silenced the rule of law. In this twisted hierarchy, competent officers were buried in clerical backrooms while semi-literate loyalists were handed stars, stripes, and unchecked authority. It was a theater of mediocrity, where promotion favored obedience over merit and ignorance was rewarded with rank. Within this structure of absurdity, Buhari thrived — a man with no verifiable high school certificate, yet elevated above the constitution, above accountability, and tragically, above the very people he was meant to serve. He didn’t just symbolize the decay; he was its product and its champion.

Let’s not sugarcoat his legacy. Buhari was no hero. He was a man whose grip on power twice disfigured Nigeria’s soul — first with military boots from 1983 to 1985, then under the guise of democracy from 2015 to 2023. His government jailed journalists, brutalized citizens, crippled the economy, and widened tribal divisions with unapologetic bias. His infamous Decree No. 2 sanctioned indefinite detentions. His so-called “War Against Indiscipline” terrorized the innocent. His economic policies were textbook disasters.

Buhari governed with the cold logic of a tyrant who believed brute force was a substitute for vision — and silence a substitute for accountability. The Southeast, in particular, bore the brunt of his vengeance-laced leadership. His disdain for the Igbo people was barely concealed, a poisonous remnant of civil war bitterness he never let go. In his death, that venom remains unresolved, unrepentant.

Let the record reflect that many of us do not weep. We remember.

Even more damning is the legacy of hypocrisy. After decades in power and access to untold national wealth, Buhari could not trust the hospitals he left for ordinary Nigerians. He died where he lived his truth — in exile from the very system he swore to fix. That is not irony. That is an indictment.

And now, as scripted eulogies pour in — from paid loyalists, political survivors, and the ever-hypocritical elite — let us not be fooled by the hollow rituals of state burials and national mourning. Let the record reflect that many of us do not weep. We remember.

  • We remember the students gunned down.
  • The protesters beaten in the streets.
  • The journalists silenced.
  • The dreams buried beneath military decrees and broken campaign promises.

We remember that Buhari was not simply a failed leader — he was a deliberate one, whose failings were not accidents but strategies.

And so, here lie the cold remains of one of Nigeria’s most divisive and mean-spirited leaders — a man who brutalized the democratic process with the precision of a tyrant and the coldness of a man utterly void of remorse. As Muhammadu Buhari begins his final, silent descent into the earth, one can only imagine him entering eternity still questioning the justice of creation: Why did God make women? Why did He place oil in the Niger Delta and not in Daura? And why, of all things, did He dare to create tribes outside the Fulani?

It is not my job to mourn a dictator. My duty is to chronicle them — how they ruled with iron fists, trampled their people, choked the press, and finally died, not as legends, but as small men stripped of all illusions. Dictators are counterfeit gods, tormenting peaceful nations while their delusions last. But sickness humbles them. Death silences them. And in the end, all their grandstanding collapses like dust in a grave.

As a journalist, I will record Buhari’s death with precision, not reverence. I will report the pomp, the propaganda, and the hollow eulogies that will rain down like cheap perfume on a corpse. I will write the truth, because history must never confuse power with greatness — especially when evil wore both the uniform and the ballot.

Let the living learn. Let the wicked sleep. And let the truth outlive them all.

I will not mourn a man who ruled through fear and died surrounded by foreign doctors while his people die waiting in overcrowded hospital corridors. I will not pretend this is a time for unity or healing. This is a time for reckoning. For too long, Nigeria has recycled tyrants and renamed oppression “leadership.” Buhari’s death should not be a moment of forced reverence but a pause for honest reflection. Let his final chapter be a lesson carved into our collective memory: that power without purpose, and rule without empathy, always ends in disgrace. History should not be kind to tyrants simply because they are no longer breathing. If we are ever to break the chains of corruption and cruelty, we must bury the lies with the bodies — and speak truth, even at the graveside. Let the living learn. Let the wicked sleep. And let the truth outlive them all.

♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

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Anthony Obi Ogbo

Dunamis Digital Dilemma: Why Shutting Down Virtual Worship May Alienate a New Generation of Believers

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“Spirituality is no longer confined to physical sanctuaries” —Anthony Obi Ogbo

The demands of the digital and virtual age, especially in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, are both undeniable and irreversible. The pandemic didn’t merely disrupt norms—it reshaped them. From global commerce to education and religious observance, the shift to digital platforms is now a defining feature of contemporary life. The surge in e-commerce has revolutionized how consumers behave, compelling organizations to reinvent their digital presence through social media, targeted marketing, and immersive experiences like augmented and virtual reality.

Yet, while many institutions have adapted to these realities, some remain entrenched in pre-pandemic mindsets. One recent example is the Dunamis International Gospel Centre in Abuja, Nigeria, under the leadership of Pastor Paul Enenche. The church announced the suspension of its live-streamed services, citing the biblical imperative for believers to gather physically, as referenced in Hebrews 10:25.

While the theological rationale was emphasized, the practical implications—particularly financial—were conspicuously understated. Churches around the world have successfully embraced virtual platforms not just to foster spiritual connection but also to maintain financial stability through online giving systems. In contrast, Dunamis’s move appears to prioritize physical attendance at the expense of accessibility and inclusivity.

In today’s digitally integrated society, suspending virtual worship risks alienating many who have come to rely on these platforms. Individuals with health challenges, mobility issues, or who live far from church facilities depend on livestreams to remain spiritually connected. More importantly, younger generations increasingly seek faith experiences that mirror their digital-first realities—flexible, inclusive, and globally accessible. By disregarding these expectations, churches may unintentionally push away the very audiences they aim to engage.

Pastor Enenche’s decision, while perhaps grounded in spiritual intent, may prove counterproductive in practice. The younger demographic—tech-savvy, mobile, and globally aware—now expects more from institutions of faith. They are turning toward worship centers that treat digital engagement not as an afterthought but as a vital dimension of spiritual life. The hybrid church model—integrating both in-person and online elements—has emerged as a powerful strategy for expanding reach while honoring traditional values. It allows churches to be both rooted and relevant.

The decision to suspend livestreaming church services reflects a deeper tension between tradition and innovation, between preserving ritual and adapting to contemporary realities. Faith institutions today are not just places of worship; they are also cultural anchors navigating an increasingly digital society. Ignoring this evolution risks rendering the church irrelevant to a generation that lives, works, and worships online. Spirituality is no longer confined to physical sanctuaries—it’s present in podcast sermons, Zoom prayer meetings, WhatsApp devotionals, and YouTube gospel concerts.

Virtual engagement is not a dilution of faith; it is an extension of it. It makes the message of hope and redemption accessible across boundaries of geography, ability, and circumstance. The pandemic revealed this, but the future will demand it. Churches that fail to embrace digital tools risk becoming spiritual silos—isolated, inflexible, and out of touch with modern believers.

Leadership in ministry, like leadership in any other sphere, must evolve with the people it seeks to serve. Pastor Enenche and others in similar positions should not view digital transformation as a threat but as an opportunity—an opportunity to reach farther, touch deeper, and uplift more lives. The gospel, after all, is meant for all—and now, more than ever, everywhere.

♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

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Anthony Obi Ogbo

The Novice Advantage: Rethinking Graduate Readiness in a Demanding Job Market

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“Employers aren’t just filling vacancies—they’re investing in solutions” —Anthony Obi Ogbo

Long before graduation, I understood that success in the job market required more than just a degree. Throughout college, I committed to internships, apprenticeships, and vacation jobs—some unpaid—solely to build the kind of professional experience that would ease my transition into the workforce. By the time I completed my NYSC at The Nigerian Guardian, I wasn’t just another fresh graduate—I was a candidate with proof of performance. I was retained on merit and even offered two cartoon columns at Guardian Express in a separate contract. That preparation made all the difference.

Today, however, many college graduates enter the job market unequipped for its demands. They speak of rejection, frustration, and a lack of experience—all valid concerns in an economy where employers no longer train novice hires from scratch. In a hyper-competitive, fast-paced, and increasingly skills-based market, the burden of preparation rests squarely on the students themselves.

There was a time when being a “novice” came with room to grow. Employers saw potential and invested in it. Now, entry-level roles often come with mid-level expectations: practical skills, strategic thinking, and an ability to contribute from day one. Employers aren’t just filling vacancies—they’re investing in solutions.

This is why it’s crucial for students to begin preparing early. That means building portfolios, seeking field-relevant internships, volunteering in areas that sharpen communication and leadership, and using every academic project as a springboard for real-world insight. These experiences add depth to a résumé and provide talking points in interviews that distinguish candidates from the crowd.

Equally important is networking. The relationships students build—with mentors, professionals, or peers—often become the very bridges that connect them to employment opportunities.

Ultimately, preparing for employment as a college student isn’t optional—it’s essential. And the sooner students begin, the better their chances of entering the workforce with confidence, clarity, and competence.

♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

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