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Climate change protesters abandon 2-week hunger strike and swarm Sen. Manchin’s Maserati

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  • A group of protesters met Sen. Joe Manchin outside of the Capitol Yacht Club “we want to live.”

  • The protesters demanded that lawmakers pass the reconciliation bill in full.

  • Manchin is one of two key holdouts on the bill, which contains climate change solutions.

The day after young climate change protesters from the left-leaning Sunrise Movement ended a two-week hunger strike the group switched tactics.

With a banner that said, “Joe Manchin is burning our future for profit,” over 100 protesters gathered at 6 a.m. ET outside of the Capitol Yacht Club where his houseboat (where he lives while in DC) is docked.

The protester’s demand during the hunger strike and the confrontation with Manchin? Pass the reconciliation bill – particularly without cuts to measures aimed at addressing the climate crisis.

They also demanded that Manchin be ousted as chairman of the US Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources.

The protesters confronted him near a parking structure, swarming his Maserati, and some even tried to get to the dock by canoeing through the Potomac but were stopped by security.

Protestors captured footage of them shouting at Manchin inside of his Maserati, “We want to live!”

Shortly after the confrontation, Manchin appeared on CNN where he called the Senate “a hostile working environment.”

Kidus Girma, a 26-year-old organizer with the Sunrise Movement who came from Dallas to participate in the two-week hunger strike, described Manchin as “someone who’s made millions of dollars off of coal money.”

Manchin accrued $500,000 in 2020 in stock dividends from his son’s coal company, Enersystems, which Manchin himself founded in 1998, Insider previously reported, and in which he holds an estimated $5 million stake, according to the Guardian and Center for Media and Democracy.

In phone calls with Insider, Girma said that he is “continuously and consistently delaying the legislation that everybody on this planet needs.”

The bill started at $3.5 trillion over 10 years ($350 billion per year) and – after pruning provisions like, but not limited to, free community college and cutting paid family leave from 12 weeks to four – it is now resting at $1.75 trillion over 10 years ($175 billion per year).

Manchin has explained his position by saying he wants to avoid giving Americans “an entitlement mentality.”

“I will not support a bill that is this consequential without thoroughly understanding the impact it will have on our national debt, our economy, and the American people,” said Manchin on Monday.

In addition to opposition to the price tag for what Biden has called investments in “human infrastructure,” Manchin opposed some climate change provisions in the bill.

The reconciliation bill in Biden’s Build Back Better plan would reduce US greenhouse gas emissions by 50-52% by 2030.

“I think Manchin must believe that he has enough money to not have to experience the worst effects of climate change, but even if he doesn’t experience the worst effects, he will experience effects,” Girma said.

One of the hunger strikers and climate change activists, Kidus Garma, “bird-dogging” Sen. Joe Manchin. Rachael Warriner

The group of activists, ages 18-26, flew out to DC compelled to take a stand against cuts made to the reconciliation bill, during ongoing deliberations and compromises with Manchin and Sinema of Arizona. Every Democrat, including Manchin and Sinema, must vote in favor of the spending package for it to pass.

Alongside Girma, 24-year-old Julia Paramo from Dallas, 24-year-old Paul Campion from Chicago, 20-year-old Abby Leedy from Philadelphia, and 18-year-old Ema Govea from Santa Ana, California committed to going without food, relying solely on water, to demand that Congress pass the reconciliation bill. The hunger strike lasted a little more than 14 days.

Activists on day 8 of their hunger strike in Washington, DC.

This is not the Sunrise Movement’s first radical action. They have previously occupied government offices in protest and are vocal proponents of the Green New Deal.

Their mission is to relay the urgency of climate change. According to the United Nations Environment Programme website, global greenhouse gas emissions need to be cut by approximately 50% by 2030 “to prevent extreme climate change, biodiversity loss and to curb pollution and waste.”

“Climate change is no longer a future problem. It is a now problem,” Executive Director of UNEP, Inger Andersen, said in a press release. “To stand a chance of limiting global warming to 1.5°C, we have eight years to almost halve greenhouse gas emissions: eight years to make the plans, put in place the policies, implement them and ultimately deliver the cuts. The clock is ticking loudly.”

The Office of Senator Joe Manchin did not respond to Insider’s requests for comment.

Texas Guardian News

Houston

Turnout, Trust, and Ground Game: What Decided Houston’s Runoff Elections

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Low-turnout runoff races for Houston City Council and Houston Community College trustee seats revealed how message discipline, local credibility, and voter mobilization determined clear winners—and decisive losers.

The final ballots are counted, and Houston’s runoff elections have delivered clear outcomes in two closely watched local races, underscoring a familiar truth of municipal politics: in low-turnout elections, organization and credibility matter more than name recognition alone.

In the race for Houston City Council At-Large Position 4, Alejandra Salinas secured a decisive victory, winning 25,710 votes (59.27%) over former council member Dwight A. Boykins, who garnered 17,669 votes (40.73%). The margin was not accidental. Salinas ran a campaign tightly aligned with voter anxiety over public safety and infrastructure—two issues that consistently dominate Houston’s civic conversations. Her emphasis on keeping violent criminals off city streets and expanding Houston’s water supply spoke directly to quality-of-life concerns that resonate across districts, especially in an at-large contest where candidates must appeal to the city as a whole.

Salinas’ win reflects the advantage of message clarity. In a runoff, voters are not looking to be introduced to candidates—they are choosing between candidates they are already familiar with. Salinas presented herself as forward-looking and solutions-oriented, while Boykins, despite his experience and political history, struggled to reframe his candidacy beyond familiarity. In runoffs, nostalgia rarely outperforms momentum.

The second race—for Houston Community College District II trustee—followed a similar pattern. Renee Jefferson Patterson won with 2,497 votes (56.63%), defeating Kathleen “Kathy” Lynch Gunter, who received 1,912 votes (43.37%). Though the raw numbers were smaller, the dynamics were just as telling.

Patterson’s victory was powered by deep local ties and a clear institutional vision. As an HCC alumna, she effectively positioned herself as both a product and a steward of the system. Her pledge to expand the North Forest Campus and direct resources to Acres Home connected policy goals to place-based advocacy. In trustee races, voters often respond less to ideology and more to proximity—those who understand the campus, the students, and the neighborhood. Patterson checked all three boxes.

By contrast, Gunter’s loss highlights the challenge of overcoming a candidate with genuine community roots in a runoff scenario. Without a sharply differentiated message or a strong geographic base, turnout dynamics tend to favor candidates with existing neighborhood networks and direct institutional relevance.

What ultimately decided both races was not a surprise, but execution. Runoffs reward campaigns that can re-mobilize supporters, simplify their message, and convert familiarity into trust. Salinas and Patterson did exactly that. Their opponents, though credible, were unable to expand or energize their coalitions in a compressed electoral window.

The lesson from Houston’s runoff elections is straightforward but unforgiving: winners win because they align message, identity, and ground game. Losers lose because, in low-turnout contests, anything less than that alignment is insufficient.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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Bizarre Epstein files reference to Trump, Putin, and oral sex with ‘Bubba’ draws scrutiny in Congress

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The latest tranche of emails from the estate of late convicted pedophile Jeffrey Epstein includes one that contains what appear to be references to President Donald Trump allegedly performing oral sex, raising questions the committee cannot answer until the Department of Justice turns over records it has withheld, says U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia, the top Democrat on the House Oversight Committee.

Garcia insists the Trump White House is helping block them.

In a Friday afternoon interview with The Advocate, the out California lawmaker responded to a 2018 exchange, which was included in the emails released, between Jeffrey Epstein and his brother, Mark Epstein. In that message, Mark wrote that because Jeffrey Epstein had said he was with former Trump adviser Steve Bannon, he should “ask him if Putin has the photos of Trump blowing Bubba.”

“Bubba” is a nickname former President Bill Clinton has been known by; however, the email does not clarify who Mark Epstein meant, and the context remains unclear.

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