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OPINION: Lessons from Obiano’s Final Budget Presentation as Governor of Anambra State

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4 years ago

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Any student of politics will recall that one of the most distinguishing features of political power is that it is transient.

Every kin observer must have taken careful note of the significance of all that transpired yesterday (October 14) during governor Obiano’s presentation of the 2022 draft estimate to Anambra State House of Assembly. It is like watching a replay of a defined end. For some of us, it is an opportunity to sit back and observe how it feels to be at the point of exiting powerful political office, but even more importantly, how people tend to treat someone about leaving an important political office. In all, it was an experience filled with lessons for all political officeholders. Any student of politics will recall that one of the most distinguishing features of political power is that it is transient. That is to say that it just disappears. No matter how long you are able to keep it, no matter how comfortable one gets with it, it is just as certain as day and night, pass away. These are lessons that expose the hypocrisy of not just politicians, but human beings, especially in our clime.

All the thirty members of the Anambra State House of Assembly are fully aware that the governor is coming to present the 2022 budget to the House. Governor Obiano has done this for about seven years or in short for seven times before that of yesterday. In my experience, any day the governor is coming for a budget presentation is a special day and rightly so. Usually, the House gets to its business around 10 in the morning, and before the governor’s arrival about an hour later around 11am, the House is completely set and prepared to receive the governor. As a matter of fact, any day of the budget presentation, the business of the day for the House is all about that budget presentation by the governor. But for the very first time, till almost 11 in the morning of yesterday, House members were still strolling into the complex. In fact, they gathered and started taking photographs and an argument ensued.

The argument lasted for a better part of twenty minutes, by which time the governor’s convoy was already in the Assembly complex, almost thirty minutes before the governor’s advanced team had arrived at the complex at which time only a handful of members were around. Upon Governor Obiano’s arrival, the members were still having their photographs and this lasted for another fifteen or twenty minutes, while the governor waited in his car. When they finished, they all moved at their own pace into the plenary for the business of the day. Then the governor allowed them to settle and about fifteen minutes later, he came out of his vehicle and went into the plenary for the business of the day.

This would be the very first time the governor is coming to the Assembly and waiting for the members to finish sometime as, if you like, trivial, as taking photographs, and having to wait for as much as close to an hour before he conducts his business with the House. Note that ordinarily, in the instance where the legislature and the executive enjoy equal or similar, but mutual dignity and respect, this may not matter at all. But here is a system in which the legislature has been configured by the members themselves, to be at the service of the governor. The only reason that justifies the attitude of the lawmakers yesterday was that governor Obiano will cease to be governor in a few months. In other words, they are just passing a message that his time is up. The governor himself, even when he came out of the vehicle, despite his already busy schedule, which time spent waiting on the House members had already started to distort, he looked calm and relaxed; a little more yielding and conforming to the reality that he is now almost a former governor of Anambra state. Observing all these, it is not so easy to articulate exactly how I should feel for the governor or for the legislators, many of whom may have seen the governor as their own oppressor, rightly or wrongly.

Now during the governor’s long speech, which understandably is his last budget speech and a summary of his eight-year stewardship, occasionally some House members will look at each other and laugh in mockery of diverse claims as proof of his administration’s efforts at developing Anambra state. Many of these members were the same people who called the governor all sorts of names in admiration and exaltation. But then, the governor, not seeming to notice, continued in his calm and almost sober tone of voice reading his speech till the 14th and final page, in an unusually serious and focused demeanor. Then during the closing remarks by Hon. Obinna Emeneka in which he said that he knows the governor will miss the House and that he was sure the House will miss the governor, the reaction was unambiguous.

Very clearly, the impression by House members is that they will not miss the governor. Apparently, House members were happy to have kept the governor waiting for that long because like many of them say, “let him wait for us. When we go to see him he keeps us waiting too”. The point really is that at this moment, it is clear that Governor Obiano has absolutely nothing on the members. In other words, the members do not need him for anything, politically speaking. At least, they still have two years before their own exit. However, it is the governor who needs them and he has not more than five months to the end of his tenure. The Governor needs them to pass the 2022 budget and to make his exit smoother. He needs them to cooperate with him politically ahead of the November 6 gubernatorial election. Governor Obiano acknowledged this in his speech when he said thus; “Bearing in mind that this is an election year, our hope is that you will continue to work with the executive and give the budget an accelerated consideration”. The import of that comment is that the governor understands that there is a shift in power equation and he no longer holds a position of advantage over the House members and in which case, the members may wish to hold the budget hostage or altogether sabotage him by other means.

Recently, many members of the Assembly have joined APC from APGA for various degrees of discontent with the party and its leadership. The development, along with other high and low profile defection from APGA to APC, has suddenly put the APC in a rare position of advantage ahead of the November governorship contest. In the final analysis, Governor Obiano is leaving office in five months after eight years. Right now, he is likely preoccupied with having a conversation with himself to be sure he truly did his best. But those who feel wrongly treated by the governor or by the government under his watch will not stop at anything less than dangling the vanity of power in his face. Power victimizes both those that have it and those whom it oppresses.

♦ Ebuka Onyekwelu, strategic governance exponent,  is a columnist with the WAP

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Books

The Color of Memory: A Rescue Mission in Print

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10 hours ago

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April 7, 2026

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  • Book Title: Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present.
  • Author: Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD.
  • Publishers:  MIDIUN GROUP INC.
  • Reviewer: Emeaba Onuma Emeaba.
  • Pages: 129.

History is often a silent, monochromatic affair—a collection of graying facts relegated to the dusty corners of the academy. But every so often, a work arrives that refuses to let the past remain quiet. In their latest volume, Abiriba Calendar of Events: Past and Present, Dr. Nwojo Kalu Ugah and Prof. Igwe Ebe Udeh, PhD, do more than document a region; they stage a sensory intervention. Through a marriage of historical rigor and lively visual storytelling, the authors transform what might have been a static archive into a pulsing, audible record of the Abiriba people.

The importance of this intervention cannot be overstated. As a long-standing observer of the region’s social fabric, I find that this work stands as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the documentation of Abiriba’s history, institutions, and cultural philosophy. It will serve both scholars and future generations as an important record of the distinctive republican heritage of the Abiriba people. It is a sentiment echoed throughout the three pages of glowing commendations that preface the text, where community titans and political leaders unite to praise a volume that has clearly become a communal milestone.

Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh’s most striking achievement is the “physicality” of the narrative. The book is heavily illustrated with archival photographs, many of which have been meticulously restored and brought into vivid color. By injecting color into the black-and-white silhouettes of the past, the authors collapse the distance between the contemporary reader and the historical subject. These images are literal and evidentiary; they do not merely “decorate” the text but are woven directly into the paragraphs. As the eye moves from a description of a festival to a photograph of dancers in mid-motion, the prose begins to hum.

However, the book’s unwavering devotion to preservation occasionally veers into the hagiographic. By focusing so intently on the “lively” and the “republican,” the authors sometimes sidestep the more uncomfortable frictions between these ancient rites and the complexities of the twenty-first century. One wishes for a more rigorous interrogation of how these traditions—some rooted in rigid social hierarchies or exclusionary practices—survive the scrutiny of a modern, globalized generation. At times, the narrative feels like a rescue mission so concerned with saving the artifacts that it forgets to ask whether the culture itself can sustain the weight of its own history without significant evolution. This idealistic lens, while beautiful, can occasionally obscure the very real internal conflicts that define a living, breathing community.

Despite this leaning toward the ideal, the book’s “sound” remains undeniable. The authors’ meticulous approach to sensory details suggests a profound sensitivity to the mechanics of cultural memory. By documenting the “snoring and bellowing” of the village drums—the ufĩẽ and the ikoro—with such granular detail, they transcend mere description. We see maidens of Am̃anta village daintily dressed for the Obina dance and Ukpo youths clothed in green ẹkọrọ weeds, and in doing so, we hear the pulse of the marketplace and the rhythm of the festival.

The volume’s sensory immersion is matched by its structural precision. Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have included a comprehensive glossary of Abiriba terms, complete with English translations, ensuring that the “sound” of the culture is decoded for the uninitiated. This appendix is more than a utilitarian tool; it is a vital act of cultural rescue. By documenting the specific vocabulary of the month of Iri Am̃a or the legal principles of Onye Parị Ọba, the authors provide a permanent bridge between oral traditions and the written record.

In an era where history is often flattened by the passage of time, Dr. Ugah and Dr. Udeh have added depth and dimension back to the record. By the final page, the reader is left with the sense that they haven’t just read a history; they have witnessed a revival. They have ensured that, for the Abiriba people, the past will no longer be seen in shades of gray and will certainly no longer be silent.

_________

♦ Dr. Emeaba, the author of “A Dictionary of Literature,” writes dime novels in the style of the Onitsha Market Literature sub-genre.

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Africa

U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign

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3 months ago

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December 27, 2025

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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.

The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.

“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.

The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.

Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.

“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”

U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.

Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”

Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”

Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.

Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.

On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.

“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”

Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”

For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.

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Africa

Nigeria–Burkina Faso Rift: Military Power, Mistrust, and a Region Out of Balance

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4 months ago

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December 14, 2025

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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.

On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.

Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.

The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.

Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.

This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.

The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.

Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.

The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.

Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.

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