Anthony Obi Ogbo
Nigerian Politics and the Anambra Gubernatorial Race ―Confronting the Reality
The purpose of this analysis is not to predict the possible winner of this race because the current structure of the Nigerian government is not compatible with such a scientific prognosis.
Monday, November 1: 3 out of the 18 governorship candidates in the upcoming November 6 governorship election in Anambra State faced off in a debate as a final chance to woo voters. The winner of this election will succeed Governor Willie Obiano. The organizers, Arise News TV, narrowed down their debate guests to just three candidates: Andy Uba for the All Progressives Congress (APC); Charles Soludo for the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA); and Valentine Ozigbo for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
Most analysts believe that Soludo dominated the debate and is therefore the best candidate for the position. There were those who think that Uba was intellectually incompetent because he was not as eloquent and confident during the debate. Others think Ozigbo stood up to the test, arguing and counter-arguing his points, but fell short of dominating Soludo.
Since this debate, social media and news outlets have been saturated with the usual analysis of “, “who-beat-who?”, but an hour or so of debate a few days before the election cannot necessarily justify the best candidates. Furthermore, debate performance in a system where voters pay little or no attention to policy substance and communal interests merely ends up on social media walls for thread arguments.
The purpose of this analysis is not to predict the possible winner of this race because the current structure of the Nigerian government is not compatible with such a scientific prognosis. In a ramshackle election structure where most races are decided by a schismatic court system rather than voters, data-based poll forecasts are completely immaterial. Thus, this analysis uses the discipline of choice in a democracy to educate voters in how to negotiate their political interests beyond the conventional emotive attitude.
In Nigeria’s electoral system, supporters and stakeholders of the candidates need to recognize the unpredictability of poll outcomes. The central party often retains full control of both the electoral and judicial sectors. The electoral wing has full and unsupervised control of poll figures, whereas the highest court of the land is positioned to make the final pronouncement of winners.
For those unfamiliar with Nigeria’s political history, most gubernatorial elections in the south-eastern part of the country have always been contentious. Just last year, Nigerians witnessed how the Supreme Court nullified the election of the PDP’s Emeka Ihedioha as the new governor of Imo State, and, in a shocking verdict, declared APC’s Hope Uzodinma as the winner of the disputed governorship election in the state.
Such is the structure of the Nigerian election system—a pugilistic poll experience, indirectly umpired by the ruling party. This explains the confidence and optimism behind Uba’s candidacy. Here is a current senator who parades a questionable past, lacks the passion and capacity to lead, and, worse, demonstrates that he is intellectually bankrupt about core matters of political governance. But he has an edge. He represents the APC, the national ruling party with a history of overturning elections. He might be aiming beyond the poll outcomes and be hoping to secure his victory from the courts.
Soludo, on the other hand, has a good work record and parades a catalog of managerial competencies that are more than enough for this position. He has been vigorously supported by both the incumbent Governor and the local party, the APGA. But there may be concerns with his do-or-die connection with the incumbent. APGA has an ugly history of fathering election candidates with implausible quid-pro-quo conditions. For instance, Governor Obiano, who fathers Soludo, was once fathered by his predecessor, Peter Obi. This automatic handpicking of candidates leaves voters with little or no choice when electing leaders who can work effectively for them. Soludo remains confident and believes that the majority of voters are on his side.
The final candidate, Ozigbo—the least popular and most controversial of the three—is gravely sandwiched in-between two opportunists: Uba, a candidate planted by the party that controls central government, and Soludo, another spoon-fed candidate planted by the party that controls the government of the state. For Ozigbo to win would be a miracle.
Democracy can be draconian when it comes to the electoral process. In politics, a candidate’s job qualifications might not be enough in themselves. His character, party affiliation, and ideology must also be relevant to the people’s interests. So how do the trio: Uba, Soludo, and Ozigbo fare with the aforementioned perceptions?
What are their characters and individual standards? How would the influence each of them exerts on their party help Anambra State to attain superior social and economic possibilities? What are their party ideologies? In an Anambra that is currently battling with violence and security uncertainties, which party has the propensity to negotiate peace in the region? With thousands of radicalized youths roaming the streets and violently demanding to break away from the Nigerian Union, which candidate and party is ready to fill the leadership-performance vacuum that has resulted in these youths becoming vulnerable to unscrupulous activists in the first place?
These are fundamental questions that Anambra voters may need to reconcile before making their voting decisions. In other words, come Saturday, voters must leave their emotions at home and take their reasoning to the polls to make decisions that will impact their lives, community, and prospects.
♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
“Buhari’s legacy is not a national treasure—it is a cautionary tale of tyranny cloaked in uniform and democracy.” —Anthony Obi Ogbo
In many cultures, including mine, it’s considered immoral to speak ill of the dead. But tradition should never demand silence in the face of truth, especially when that truth is soaked in blood, broken promises, and the battered dignity of a nation. General Muhammadu Buhari, former military dictator and two-term civilian president of Nigeria, has finally departed this world. He died in London, a city he frequented not as a diplomat or global statesman, but as a medical tourist—fleeing the ruins of a healthcare system he helped wreck with decades of authoritarianism, tribalism, and economic blundering.
Muhammadu Buhari emerged from the rotten womb of Nigeria’s corrupt military order — a regime where brute force outweighed intellect, and the rattle of an AK-47 silenced the rule of law. In this twisted hierarchy, competent officers were buried in clerical backrooms while semi-literate loyalists were handed stars, stripes, and unchecked authority. It was a theater of mediocrity, where promotion favored obedience over merit and ignorance was rewarded with rank. Within this structure of absurdity, Buhari thrived — a man with no verifiable high school certificate, yet elevated above the constitution, above accountability, and tragically, above the very people he was meant to serve. He didn’t just symbolize the decay; he was its product and its champion.
Let’s not sugarcoat his legacy. Buhari was no hero. He was a man whose grip on power twice disfigured Nigeria’s soul — first with military boots from 1983 to 1985, then under the guise of democracy from 2015 to 2023. His government jailed journalists, brutalized citizens, crippled the economy, and widened tribal divisions with unapologetic bias. His infamous Decree No. 2 sanctioned indefinite detentions. His so-called “War Against Indiscipline” terrorized the innocent. His economic policies were textbook disasters.
Buhari governed with the cold logic of a tyrant who believed brute force was a substitute for vision — and silence a substitute for accountability. The Southeast, in particular, bore the brunt of his vengeance-laced leadership. His disdain for the Igbo people was barely concealed, a poisonous remnant of civil war bitterness he never let go. In his death, that venom remains unresolved, unrepentant.
Let the record reflect that many of us do not weep. We remember.
Even more damning is the legacy of hypocrisy. After decades in power and access to untold national wealth, Buhari could not trust the hospitals he left for ordinary Nigerians. He died where he lived his truth — in exile from the very system he swore to fix. That is not irony. That is an indictment.
And now, as scripted eulogies pour in — from paid loyalists, political survivors, and the ever-hypocritical elite — let us not be fooled by the hollow rituals of state burials and national mourning. Let the record reflect that many of us do not weep. We remember.
- We remember the students gunned down.
- The protesters beaten in the streets.
- The journalists silenced.
- The dreams buried beneath military decrees and broken campaign promises.
We remember that Buhari was not simply a failed leader — he was a deliberate one, whose failings were not accidents but strategies.
And so, here lie the cold remains of one of Nigeria’s most divisive and mean-spirited leaders — a man who brutalized the democratic process with the precision of a tyrant and the coldness of a man utterly void of remorse. As Muhammadu Buhari begins his final, silent descent into the earth, one can only imagine him entering eternity still questioning the justice of creation: Why did God make women? Why did He place oil in the Niger Delta and not in Daura? And why, of all things, did He dare to create tribes outside the Fulani?
It is not my job to mourn a dictator. My duty is to chronicle them — how they ruled with iron fists, trampled their people, choked the press, and finally died, not as legends, but as small men stripped of all illusions. Dictators are counterfeit gods, tormenting peaceful nations while their delusions last. But sickness humbles them. Death silences them. And in the end, all their grandstanding collapses like dust in a grave.
As a journalist, I will record Buhari’s death with precision, not reverence. I will report the pomp, the propaganda, and the hollow eulogies that will rain down like cheap perfume on a corpse. I will write the truth, because history must never confuse power with greatness — especially when evil wore both the uniform and the ballot.
Let the living learn. Let the wicked sleep. And let the truth outlive them all.
I will not mourn a man who ruled through fear and died surrounded by foreign doctors while his people die waiting in overcrowded hospital corridors. I will not pretend this is a time for unity or healing. This is a time for reckoning. For too long, Nigeria has recycled tyrants and renamed oppression “leadership.” Buhari’s death should not be a moment of forced reverence but a pause for honest reflection. Let his final chapter be a lesson carved into our collective memory: that power without purpose, and rule without empathy, always ends in disgrace. History should not be kind to tyrants simply because they are no longer breathing. If we are ever to break the chains of corruption and cruelty, we must bury the lies with the bodies — and speak truth, even at the graveside. Let the living learn. Let the wicked sleep. And let the truth outlive them all.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
Anthony Obi Ogbo
Dunamis Digital Dilemma: Why Shutting Down Virtual Worship May Alienate a New Generation of Believers
“Spirituality is no longer confined to physical sanctuaries” —Anthony Obi Ogbo
The demands of the digital and virtual age, especially in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, are both undeniable and irreversible. The pandemic didn’t merely disrupt norms—it reshaped them. From global commerce to education and religious observance, the shift to digital platforms is now a defining feature of contemporary life. The surge in e-commerce has revolutionized how consumers behave, compelling organizations to reinvent their digital presence through social media, targeted marketing, and immersive experiences like augmented and virtual reality.
Yet, while many institutions have adapted to these realities, some remain entrenched in pre-pandemic mindsets. One recent example is the Dunamis International Gospel Centre in Abuja, Nigeria, under the leadership of Pastor Paul Enenche. The church announced the suspension of its live-streamed services, citing the biblical imperative for believers to gather physically, as referenced in Hebrews 10:25.
While the theological rationale was emphasized, the practical implications—particularly financial—were conspicuously understated. Churches around the world have successfully embraced virtual platforms not just to foster spiritual connection but also to maintain financial stability through online giving systems. In contrast, Dunamis’s move appears to prioritize physical attendance at the expense of accessibility and inclusivity.
In today’s digitally integrated society, suspending virtual worship risks alienating many who have come to rely on these platforms. Individuals with health challenges, mobility issues, or who live far from church facilities depend on livestreams to remain spiritually connected. More importantly, younger generations increasingly seek faith experiences that mirror their digital-first realities—flexible, inclusive, and globally accessible. By disregarding these expectations, churches may unintentionally push away the very audiences they aim to engage.
Pastor Enenche’s decision, while perhaps grounded in spiritual intent, may prove counterproductive in practice. The younger demographic—tech-savvy, mobile, and globally aware—now expects more from institutions of faith. They are turning toward worship centers that treat digital engagement not as an afterthought but as a vital dimension of spiritual life. The hybrid church model—integrating both in-person and online elements—has emerged as a powerful strategy for expanding reach while honoring traditional values. It allows churches to be both rooted and relevant.
The decision to suspend livestreaming church services reflects a deeper tension between tradition and innovation, between preserving ritual and adapting to contemporary realities. Faith institutions today are not just places of worship; they are also cultural anchors navigating an increasingly digital society. Ignoring this evolution risks rendering the church irrelevant to a generation that lives, works, and worships online. Spirituality is no longer confined to physical sanctuaries—it’s present in podcast sermons, Zoom prayer meetings, WhatsApp devotionals, and YouTube gospel concerts.
Virtual engagement is not a dilution of faith; it is an extension of it. It makes the message of hope and redemption accessible across boundaries of geography, ability, and circumstance. The pandemic revealed this, but the future will demand it. Churches that fail to embrace digital tools risk becoming spiritual silos—isolated, inflexible, and out of touch with modern believers.
Leadership in ministry, like leadership in any other sphere, must evolve with the people it seeks to serve. Pastor Enenche and others in similar positions should not view digital transformation as a threat but as an opportunity—an opportunity to reach farther, touch deeper, and uplift more lives. The gospel, after all, is meant for all—and now, more than ever, everywhere.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
“Employers aren’t just filling vacancies—they’re investing in solutions” —Anthony Obi Ogbo
Long before graduation, I understood that success in the job market required more than just a degree. Throughout college, I committed to internships, apprenticeships, and vacation jobs—some unpaid—solely to build the kind of professional experience that would ease my transition into the workforce. By the time I completed my NYSC at The Nigerian Guardian, I wasn’t just another fresh graduate—I was a candidate with proof of performance. I was retained on merit and even offered two cartoon columns at Guardian Express in a separate contract. That preparation made all the difference.
Today, however, many college graduates enter the job market unequipped for its demands. They speak of rejection, frustration, and a lack of experience—all valid concerns in an economy where employers no longer train novice hires from scratch. In a hyper-competitive, fast-paced, and increasingly skills-based market, the burden of preparation rests squarely on the students themselves.
There was a time when being a “novice” came with room to grow. Employers saw potential and invested in it. Now, entry-level roles often come with mid-level expectations: practical skills, strategic thinking, and an ability to contribute from day one. Employers aren’t just filling vacancies—they’re investing in solutions.
This is why it’s crucial for students to begin preparing early. That means building portfolios, seeking field-relevant internships, volunteering in areas that sharpen communication and leadership, and using every academic project as a springboard for real-world insight. These experiences add depth to a résumé and provide talking points in interviews that distinguish candidates from the crowd.
Equally important is networking. The relationships students build—with mentors, professionals, or peers—often become the very bridges that connect them to employment opportunities.
Ultimately, preparing for employment as a college student isn’t optional—it’s essential. And the sooner students begin, the better their chances of entering the workforce with confidence, clarity, and competence.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D., is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us