Africa
‘Brain Drain’ is a recurring phenomenon harming Black nations like Haiti and Nigeria
What do the countries of Haiti and Nigeria have in common? Perhaps it is their high populations of Black and brown people? Or could it be the civil and political unrest that has recently plagued each country?
While all of these issues are in fact accurate, the one we are seeking to address here is the brain drain phenomenon. But what is brain drain and what does it have to do with the aforementioned countries and their issues? The notion that civil unrest spurs the emigration of the country’s most intelligent and highly trained people — the very individuals best equipped to remedy the perils of their countries — is not a novel idea.
In fact, the concept was introduced with the term “human capital flight” as early as post-World War II, to define the migration of highly-educated people leading to a hole in the very societies and economies they were leaving behind. This form of economic terrorism leads to the draining of resources in the form of human capital.
Economic terrorism, isn’t that a bit harsh? Studies say no as “the number of foreign-born people in rich countries has tripled since 1960, and the emigration of highly-skilled people from poor countries has continued to accelerate.” Developed countries, like the United States or United Kingdom have spent countless resources in order to attract foreign students and workers — and the ramifications of these decisions are often crippling for the poorer countries these immigrants are leaving.
Not only is there a dearth in the labor force, but oftentimes, the country is losing its most educated and skilled; highly- trained doctors, lawyers and engineers going to practice their craft in another country, places that don’t suffer from a lack of anything. And as we see in our examples it is often a traumatic event that spurs the flow of human beings to leave their homeland.
Take Haiti — a country riddled by violence and structural inequity. Although once upon a time Haiti was heralded as the “Pearl of the Antilles,” since the Duvalier regime, Haiti has seen a mass exodus of their best and brightest in search of a “better standard of living and quality of life, higher salaries, access to advanced technology and more stable political conditions.” But who suffer most are the nations that are being abandoned.
In a country like Haiti, where there exists a general lack of post-secondary education, most individuals must leave the country altogether if they are interested in a college education or beyond. This spurs the intelligentsia or those of means to immigrate to places like the United States or France in order to better their life. However, this opportunity is not available to all Haitians. Sadly, within a country where most of the people live in poverty, this opportunity to flee is only yielded to its “Talented Tenth.”
This further exacerbates the two C’s — classism and colorism — leading to the dominance of the mulatto ruling class that isn’t discussed quite enough in a predominantly Black country.
Since Haiti’s president, Jovenel Moïse, was assassinated last month the economy has tanked. People are living in a perpetual state of fear and those who have the means to have left. This means the young professionals that are best equipped to grapple with Haiti’s deepest instabilities have evacuated. The very missing pieces of the puzzle — the agronomists, engineers, entrepreneurs, economists, city planners, writers, doctors and lawyers have all fled. The job market is abominable. And while people continue to burn tires in the street to protest Moïse’s death, Haiti’s best and brightest have settled into their new jobs in the Dominican Republic, Canada, France, and the United States.
Haiti’s President Jovenel Moise speaks during an interview at his home in Petion-Ville, a suburb of Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Sources say Moise was assassinated at home, first lady hospitalized amid political instability. (AP Photo/Dieu Nalio Chery, File
This fight or flight phenomenon has been seen across the pond too in one of the very countries from which many Haitians originate — Nigeria. Since the late 1980s, Nigeria’s lofty middle and upper class has fled — shortly following the economic oil boom of the 1970s and early 1980s. This occurred again in the 1990s during the dominance of the military regimes in the country.
In Nigeria, like the case of many countries suffering from brain drain, the issues started within the medical community —yet now the issue of brain drain has decidedly permeated nearly every industry within the country. And although Nigeria boasts one of Africa’s largest economies, the unemployment bubble continues to swell. But why are Nigeria’s young people leaving?
It is difficult to openly explore the subject without understanding the social uprising and indeed revolutions that Nigeria witnessed last year via the #EndSARS movement, which addressed the violent police brutality within the country. Then on June 5, President Muhammadu Buhari indefinitely banned Twitter from the country after launching into a fury following the platform deleted tweets he made that arguably incited violence.
Lai Mohammed, Nigeria’s Minister of Culture, alleged the ban would be lifted after Twitter submits to “local licensing, registration and conditions.” And while many viewed this as a severe tantrum by Nigeria’s president, others thought it was simply blowback for Twitter’s CEO Jack Dorsey choosing to make Ghana (Nigeria’s long-time nemesis) Twitter Africa’s headquarters. Whatever the case may be, Nigeria’s millennials do not do well with their freedom of speech being impinged upon.
All the while programs like “express entry” have made it easy for young Nigerians to emigrate to countries like Canada or Australia — as under the Trump administration the United States was no longer seen as a friendly haven after the former president’s vitriolic comments. In fact, Nigeria has taken the lead in countries like Canada with the most pending asylum claims — followed closely by Haiti. Like Haiti, it boils down to an education issue within Nigeria, with Nigerians hoping to secure a better education and future for their families and, quite frankly, not believing they can achieve this within Nigerian borders.
The importance of global competitiveness to Nigerians has pushed more and more out the door as many play the balancing act of keeping one foot outside the country for personal and professional success while still keeping one inside the country as a result of patriotism and family ties. And while all of Nigeria’s young professionals seek a better future for their beloved homeland, not many are convinced it will happen anytime soon, due to the political instability and corruption that continues to manifest throughout the country.
Despite Haiti’s and Nigeria’s many differences, what unites them is greater than what separates them. The continuation of the brain drain has continued to perpetuate and the only solution to this quandary is increased political stability and better education, resources and opportunities for the patriots that do choose to remain. Until these two countries figure out how to execute those goals they will continually face the loss of their best and brightest to the nation’s who colonized them in the first place — continuing the cycle in perpetuity.
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Wen-kuni Ceant is the CEO and Co-Founder of Politicking. She is a Fulbright Scholar and through the fellowship she studied health infrastructure in Senegal during the last year. She received her Masters in Public Health in Health Management and Policy in 2016 from Drexel University. Before Drexel, she attended Howard University, in Washington, D.C. where she graduated Phi Beta Kappa and with honors with a Bachelors of Science in Biology.
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The United States has warned that further airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-western Nigeria are imminent, as Nigerian officials confirmed that recent attacks were part of coordinated operations between both countries.
The warning came hours after U.S. forces struck militant camps in Sokoto State, an operation President Donald Trump publicly framed as a response to what he described as the killing of Christians in Nigeria. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the strikes were only the beginning.
“The president was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end,” Hegseth wrote on X. “The Pentagon is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight—on Christmas. More to come. Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”
Nigeria’s foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, confirmed on Friday that the strikes were carried out as part of “joint ongoing operations,” pushing back against earlier tensions sparked by Trump’s public criticism of Nigeria’s handling of insecurity.
The airstrikes followed a brief diplomatic rift after Trump accused Nigeria’s government of failing to protect Christians from militant violence. Nigerian officials responded by reiterating that extremist groups in the country target both Christians and Muslims, and that the conflict is driven by insurgency and criminality rather than religious persecution.
Speaking to Channels Television, Tuggar said Nigeria provided intelligence support for the strikes in Sokoto and described close coordination with Washington. He said he spoke with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for nearly 20 minutes before briefing President Bola Tinubu and receiving approval to proceed, followed by another call with Rubio to finalize arrangements.
“We have been working closely with the Americans,” Tuggar said. “This is what we’ve always been hoping for—to work together to combat terrorism and stop the deaths of innocent Nigerians. It’s a collaborative effort.”
U.S. Africa Command later confirmed that the strikes were conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities. An earlier statement, later removed, had suggested the operation was carried out at Nigeria’s request.
Trump, speaking in an interview with Politico, said the operation had originally been scheduled for Wednesday but was delayed at his instruction. “They were going to do it earlier,” he said. “And I said, ‘Nope, let’s give a Christmas present.’ They didn’t think that was coming, but we hit them hard. Every camp got decimated.”
Neither the U.S. nor Nigerian authorities have disclosed casualty figures or confirmed whether militants were killed. Tuggar, when asked whether additional strikes were planned, said only: “You can call it a new phase of an old conflict. For us, this is ongoing.”
Nigeria is officially a secular state, with a population split roughly between Muslims and Christians. While violence against Christian communities has drawn increasing attention from religious conservatives in the United States, Nigeria’s government maintains that extremist groups operate without regard to faith, attacking civilians across religious lines.
Trump’s public rhetoric contrasts with his 2024 campaign messaging, in which he cast himself as a “candidate of peace” who would pull the United States out of what he called endless foreign wars. Yet his second term has already seen expanded U.S. military action abroad, including strikes in Yemen, Iran, and Syria, as well as a significant military buildup in the Caribbean directed at Venezuela.
On the ground in Sokoto State, residents of Jabo village—near one of the strike sites—reported panic and confusion as missiles hit nearby areas. Local residents said no casualties had been recorded, but security forces quickly sealed off the area.
“As it approached our area, the heat became intense,” Abubakar Sani told the Associated Press. “The government should take appropriate measures to protect us. We have never experienced anything like this before.”
Another resident, farmer Sanusi Madabo, said the night sky glowed red for hours. “It was almost like daytime,” he said. “We only learned later that it was a U.S. airstrike.”
For now, both Washington and Abuja are projecting unity. Whether the strikes mark a sustained shift in strategy—or another brief escalation in a long war—remains unclear.
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The brief detention of a Nigerian Air Force C-130 Hercules aircraft and its crew in Burkina Faso may have ended quietly, but it exposed a deeper rift shaped by mistrust, insecurity, and uneven military power in West Africa. What was officially a technical emergency landing quickly became a diplomatic and security flashpoint, reflecting not hostility between equals, but anxiety between unequally matched states navigating very different political realities.
On December 8, 2025, the Nigerian Air Force transport aircraft made an unscheduled landing in Bobo-Dioulasso while en route to Portugal. Nigerian authorities described the stop as a precautionary response to a technical fault—standard procedure under international aviation and military safety protocols. Burkina Faso acknowledged the emergency landing but emphasized that the aircraft had violated its airspace, prompting the temporary detention of 11 Nigerian personnel while investigations and repairs were conducted. Within days, the crew and aircraft were released, underscoring a professional, if tense, resolution.
Yet the symbolism mattered. In a Sahel region gripped by coups, insurgencies, and fragile legitimacy, airspace is not merely technical—it is political. Burkina Faso’s reaction reflected a state on edge, hyper-vigilant about sovereignty amid persistent internal threats. Nigeria’s response, measured and restrained, reflected confidence rooted in capacity.
The military imbalance between the two countries is stark. Nigeria fields one of Africa’s most formidable armed forces, with a tri-service structure that includes a large, well-equipped air force, a dominant regional navy, and a sizable army capable of sustained operations. The Nigerian Air Force operates fighter jets such as the JF-17 and F-7Ni, as well as A-29 Super Tucanos for counterinsurgency operations, heavy transport aircraft like the C-130, and an extensive helicopter fleet. This force is designed not only for internal security but for regional power projection and multinational operations.
Burkina Faso’s military, by contrast, is compact and narrowly focused. Its air arm relies on a limited number of light attack aircraft, including Super Tucanos, and a small helicopter fleet primarily dedicated to internal counterinsurgency. There is no navy, no strategic airlift capacity comparable to Nigeria’s, and limited logistical depth. The Burkinabè military is stretched thin, fighting multiple insurgent groups while also managing the political consequences of repeated military takeovers.
This imbalance shapes behavior. Nigeria’s military posture is institutional, outward-looking, and anchored in regional frameworks such as ECOWAS. Burkina Faso’s posture is defensive, reactive, and inward-facing. Where Nigeria seeks stability through deterrence and cooperation, Burkina Faso seeks survival amid constant internal pressure. That difference explains why a technical landing could be perceived as a “serious security breach” rather than a routine aviation incident.
The incident also illuminates why Burkina Faso continues to struggle to regain political balance. Repeated coups have eroded civilian institutions, fractured command structures, and blurred the line between governance and militarization. The armed forces are not just security actors; they are political stakeholders. This creates a cycle where insecurity justifies military rule, and military rule deepens insecurity by weakening democratic legitimacy and regional trust.
Nigeria, despite its own security challenges, has managed to avoid this spiral. Civilian control of the military remains intact, democratic transitions—however imperfect—continue, and its armed forces operate within a clearer constitutional framework. This stability enhances Nigeria’s regional credibility and amplifies its military superiority beyond hardware alone.
The C-130 episode did not escalate into confrontation precisely because of this asymmetry. Burkina Faso could assert sovereignty, but not sustain defiance. Nigeria could have asserted its capability, but chose restraint. In the end, professionalism prevailed.
Still, the rift lingers. It is not about one aircraft or one landing, but about two countries moving in different strategic directions. Nigeria stands as a regional anchor with superior military power and institutional depth. Burkina Faso remains a state searching for equilibrium—politically fragile, militarily constrained, and acutely sensitive to every perceived threat from the skies above.
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Immediately after getting drafted, Maluach was asked: “So many people, when they think about Africa, think about strife, think about war, think about not so great things about the continent, let alone South Sudan. How much of a responsibility do you think you have in changing perceptions of what people think Africa is in terms of thinking more about the resources, thinking about the people of Africa and South Sudan, specifically?”
Maluach’s native country, South Sudan, is undergoing a humanitarian crisis. His family fled the country to a suburb of Kampala, Uganda, in search of safety and opportunity during the South Sudan crisis. He now hopes to change the narrative about the region by highlighting its good parts on the world stage.
“I think about showing them the good parts of Africa,” Maluach said at the press conference after he was drafted. “I’m thinking about showing them the great places in Africa, like Kigali, whether it’s Senegal, whether it’s the safaris in Africa, and showing them the cultures we have and the people we have, which is different from the stuff they see on TV. I just want to change the narrative, the narrative of our people and how they see my continent.”
Maluach was born in Rumbek, once an important city in South Sudan that was ravaged by the country’s civil war. The 7’2″ center’s road to success was far from easy. The nearest basketball court to his house was nearly an hour’s walk away and usually packed. Moreover, he played his first game in Crocs, not basketball shoes. But his dedication was enough to catch the eye of local coaches Wal Deng and Aketch Garang.
Through the effort that he put in, Maluach made it to the NBA Academy Africa in Saly, Senegal, then to the Duke Blue Devils, and now the Suns. He hopes the moment inspires kids on the continent.
“Living in Africa, I had the whole continent on my back. Giving hope to young kids,” he said after the Suns selected him No. 10 overall.
Maluach considers basketball a gift God gave him, and hopes to finish off his NBA career as a Hall of Famer.
- From Threats to Partnership: How Diplomacy Repositioned Nigeria in Washington - January 13, 2026
- Burbank Marriage Unravels After Woman Allegedly Used Tracking Devices to Monitor Husband - December 27, 2025
- U.S. Signals More Strikes in Nigeria as Abuja Confirms Joint Military Campaign - December 27, 2025
